Alexandra 1 is known to many. Of course, this is the same Russian emperor who at one time managed to defeat Napoleon. However, many prefer to stop there, not knowing how much this man brought for the country. His skillful diplomacy and cunning, concern for the Motherland can serve as a real example for modern Russian politicians.
Third anti-French coalition
Revolutionary France at the end of the eighteenth century was an enemy to almost everyone. The monarchs were afraid that the republican infection would not visit their homes, and therefore they waged many wars against the carrier state.
Alexander's father, Paul, successfully participated in the first two coalitions against France. However, for his son, the beginning of his journey in foreign policy began with a monumental failure.
While Napoleon was persistently gaining power and turning his state into a powerful empire, the Third Anti-French Coalition from Russia, England and Austria gathered. She had to prevent the Corsican's plans from coming true.
Unfortunately, the Austrians, despite their support Russian army, began to lose quickly. Ignoring Kutuzov’s demand not to give a decisive battle, Alexander 1 met Napoleon’s army at Austerlitz, which ended in a grandiose victory for the French emperor and the strengthening of France as a potential world ruler.
In short, the foreign policy of Alexander 1 changed greatly after this incident.
Union of Enemies
Wise Alexander 1 saw in Bonaparte something that many did not notice - the absence in this man of the very thought of losing. It was clear that now this Corsican with his eyes burning with a thirst for conquest could not be defeated. It is necessary to wait.
The direction of foreign policy has changed dramatically. He broke off relations with Great Britain and met Napoleon in person on rafts in the middle of the river near the town of Tilsit.
It seemed that the agreement concluded there created extremely unsatisfactory conditions for existence for the Russian Empire (recognition of all the conquests of Bonaparte, renunciation of a number of regions conquered from Turkey). However, in reality it was a more than profitable world. We can name at least two reasons for such an agreement.
- Alexander 1 was given the opportunity to focus on domestic politics, which also needed his presence.
- In fact, such an agreement gave Russia peace of mind and a free hand in everything related to the eastern part of the world. If everything went according to plans, there should have been two superpowers left in the world - Western Empire with Napoleon at the head and Eastern - with Alexander 1.
It’s worth taking a break from diplomacy and figuring out what the internal policy of Alexander 1 was (briefly, to understand further events).
Politics inside
The reign of the son of Paul 1 changed Russia forever. What new did Alexandra 1 bring? This can be summarized in four main areas.
- For the first time, the Russian emperor decided to discuss the issue of abolishing serfdom - one of the pillars of the Russian legal system. He even ordered the preparation of three projects. However, none of them were implemented. But the very fact of working with this topic shows colossal changes in the moral character of the country.
- Deep power reforms were carried out. This concerned the change of the State Council, its final strengthening as the main adviser to the emperor. In addition, many privileges were granted, and a single set of duties was established for the Senate.
- But the most important is, of course, the ministerial reform, which created eight ministries. Their heads were required to report to the emperor and bear full responsibility for the subject industry.
- Education reform, thanks to which literacy became accessible to even the lowest stratum of the population. Primary schools became free, and the hierarchy of “secondary-higher” educational institutions finally began to fully function.
An assessment of the internal policy of Alexander 1 can be given objectively only on the basis of further events. Because all his reforms played a decisive role.
Bonaparte's Challenge
Probably everyone knows what a year is. Usually, when the foreign policy of Alexander 1 is briefly described, they only dwell on it. Let us note only the main facts of this event.
So, it all started with the treacherous French attack on Russia. It was truly unexpected, since before this, as already mentioned, an agreement beneficial to the French had been signed. The reason for the invasion was Russia's refusal to actively support the blockade of Great Britain. Bonaparte saw this as betrayal and unwillingness to cooperate.
What happened after must be called the greatest mistake of the French emperor. After all, he did not know that Alexander 1 and Russia were not going to simply surrender, like many states before. Kutuzov’s strategic talent, to which the Russian ruler now listened, outplayed Napoleon’s tactics.
Very soon Russian troops were in Paris.
Other wars
One should not think that France was the only thing on which Alexander 1’s foreign policy was based. It is worth briefly recalling his other conquests.
One of the achievements of Alexander 1 was the conflict between the Russians and the Swedes, which turned into a complete defeat for the latter. Thanks to the cunning and courage of Alexander 1, who ordered the transfer of troops across the frozen Gulf of Bothnia, the Russian Empire acquired the entire territory of Finland. In addition, Sweden, at that time the only big player on the European field that tried to stay away from the France-England conflict, had to boycott Great Britain.
Alexander 1 successfully helped the Serbs gain autonomy and successfully completed the Russian-Turkish campaign, which was one of the most important stages of the long confrontation with Russia. And of course, one cannot help but recall the war with the Persians, which made Alexander 1 a full-fledged Asian player.
Results
This is the foreign policy of Alexander 1 (briefly outlined).
The Russian emperor annexed many territories to the state: Transnistria (during the war with Turkey), Dagestan and Azerbaijan (due to the confrontation with the Persians), Finland (thanks to the campaign against Sweden). He significantly raised the global authority of Russia and forced the whole world to finally fully reckon with its homeland.
But, of course, no matter how briefly the foreign policy of Alexander 1 is stated, his main achievement will be the victory over Napoleon. Who knows what the world would be like now if Russia had been conquered then.
Ticket 1. Domestic policy Alexandra I
At the beginning of his reign, Alexander I tried to carry out a number of reforms that were supposed to stabilize the economic and political situation in the country. In his reform activities, he relied on the so-called. A secret committee, which included statesmen of moderate liberal sentiments (Stroganov, Kochubey, Czartoryski, Novosiltsev). The most serious reforms were in the sphere of the political system. In 1802, new central governing bodies appeared - ministries, which, together with local institutions introduced by the provincial reform of 1775, formed a single, strictly centralized bureaucratic system of governing Russia. In the same year, the Senate's place in this system was determined as a supervisory body - again, purely bureaucratic - over compliance with the rule of law. Such transformations made it easier for the autocratic authorities to govern the country, but did not introduce anything fundamentally new into the state system. In the socio-economic sphere, Alexander I made several timid attempts to soften serfdom. By the Decree of 1803 on free cultivators, the landowner was given the opportunity to free his peasants with land for a ransom. It was assumed that thanks to this decree a new class of personally free peasants would arise; the landowners will receive funds to reorganize their economy in a new, bourgeois way. However, the landowners were not interested in this possibility - the decree, which was non-binding, had practically no consequences. After the Peace of Tilsit (1807), the tsar again raised the question of reforms. In 1808 - 1809 M. M. Speransky, the closest collaborator of Alexander I, developed the “Plan of State Transformation”, according to which, in parallel with the administrative-bureaucratic management system pursuing the policy of the center, it was planned to create a system of elected local government bodies - a kind of pyramid of volost, district (district) and provincial dumas. This pyramid was to be crowned by the State Duma, the country's highest legislative body. Speransky's plan, which provided for the introduction of a constitutional system in Russia, aroused sharp criticism from senior dignitaries and the capital's nobility. Due to the opposition of conservative dignitaries, it was possible to establish only the State Council - the prototype upper house Duma (1810). Despite the fact that the project was created in accordance with the instructions of the king himself, it was never implemented. Speransky was sent into exile in 1812. The Patriotic War and foreign campaigns distracted Alexander I from internal political problems for a long time. During these years, the king experiences a serious spiritual crisis, becomes a mystic and, in fact, refuses to solve pressing problems. The last decade of his reign went down in history as Arakcheevism - after the name of the Tsar’s main confidant A. A. Arakcheev, a strong-willed, energetic and merciless person. This time is characterized by the desire to establish bureaucratic order in all spheres of Russian life. Its most striking signs were the pogroms of young Russian universities - Kazan, Kharkov, St. Petersburg, from which professors objectionable to the government were expelled, and military settlements - an attempt to make part of the army self-sustaining, planting it on the ground, combining a soldier and a farmer in one person. This experiment was extremely unsuccessful and caused powerful uprisings of military settlers, which were mercilessly suppressed by the government.
2. Foreign policy Alexandra I.
During the reign of Alexander 1, the Russian Empire steadily expanded its possessions and pursued an active foreign policy. The rapprochement between Russia and Georgia, which began in the 18th century, continued. Georgia sought protection from the expansion of Iran and Turkey in an alliance with Russia. In 1801, the Georgian Tsar George X11 abdicated power in favor of the Russian Tsar.
From 1804 to 1813 there was a war between Russia and Persia. According to the Gulistan Treaty of 1813, Dagestan and Northern Azerbaijan became part of Russia. The peoples of Dagestan even earlier expressed a desire to accept Russian citizenship and took oaths of allegiance. This has now been enshrined in an international treaty.
In 1805, Russia entered into an alliance with England and Austria against France. In France, Napoleon Bonaparte came to power and proclaimed himself emperor. Napoleon won a brilliant victory over the Allied army at the Battle of Austerlitz. Türkiye, incited by France, closed the Bosphorus Strait to Russian ships. This was the reason for the Russian-Turkish war, which began in 1806 and lasted until 1812. Military operations took place in Moldova, Wallachia and Bulgaria.
In Europe, a new coalition consisting of England, Russia, Prussia, Saxony and Sweden is taking shape against France. The wars of European countries against Napoleonic expansion were called coalition wars. The armies of Russia and Prussia fought uncoordinatedly in 1806-1807. Napoleon won a number of serious victories. In 1807 The Russian army was defeated at Friedland. After the meeting between Napoleon and Alexander in the town of Tilsit, a peace treaty was concluded, which many considered a disgrace for Russia.
According to the Treaty of Tilsit, Russia was forced to join the continental blockade of England, that is, to cease trade relations with it. By this Napoleon wanted to weaken the economic power of England. Sweden refused to break off relations with England. There was a threat of attack on St. Petersburg. Under pressure from Napoleon, Alexander declared war on Sweden, which lasted from 1808 to 1809. As a result, Sweden was defeated and Finland went to Russia. As part of the Russian Empire, Finland received autonomy and, together with Vyborg, began to be called the Grand Duchy of Finland. It minted its own coins and had a customs border with Russia.
Russia's relations with France were getting worse. Russia suffered losses from the cessation of trade with England, which it supplied with grain. Russia resumed trade with England on American ships, and a customs war broke out between Russia and France. The destruction of Russia became Napoleon's goal. And at this time the Russian army is at war with Turkey, which, despite the defeats, is delaying the signing of peace under the influence of France. In 1811, Kutuzov became the commander of this army, who not only won a number of military victories, but also, demonstrating diplomatic skills, signed a peace treaty with Turkey a month before Napoleon’s invasion of Russia. According to the Belgrade Treaty of 1812, the border with Turkey was established along the Prut River, and Bessarabia went to Russia. Serbia remained under Turkish rule, but received autonomy.
Patriotic War
The cause of the war was the violation by Russia and France of the terms of the Tilsit Treaty. Russia actually abandoned the blockade of England, accepting ships with British goods under neutral flags in its ports. France annexed the Duchy of Oldenburg, and Napoleon considered Alexander's demand for the withdrawal of French troops from Prussia and the Duchy of Warsaw offensive. A military clash between the two great powers was becoming inevitable. June 12, 1812 Napoleon at the head of an army of 600 thousand, crossing the river. Neman invaded Russia. Having an army of about 240 thousand people, Russian troops were forced to retreat before the French Armada. On August 3, the 1st and 2nd Russian armies united near Smolensk, and a battle was fought. Napoleon failed to achieve complete victory. In August, M.I. Kutuzov was appointed commander-in-chief. A talented strategist with extensive military experience, he was extremely popular among the people and in the army. Kutuzov decided to give battle in the area of the village of Borodino. A good position for the troops was chosen. The right flank was protected by the Koloch River, the left was protected by earthen fortifications - flashes, they were defended by the troops of P.I. Bagration. The troops of General N.N. Raevsky and artillery stood in the center. Their positions were covered by the Shevardinsky redoubt. Napoleon intended to break through the Russian formation from the left flank, and then direct all efforts to the center and press Kutuzov’s army to the river. He directed the fire of 400 guns at Bagration's flashes. The French launched 8 attacks, starting at 5 a.m., suffering huge losses. Only by 4 o'clock in the afternoon did the French manage to advance in the center, temporarily capturing Raevsky's batteries. At the height of the battle, a desperate raid behind French lines was carried out by the lancers of the 1st Cavalry Corps F.P. Uvarov and the Cossacks of Ataman M.I. Platov. This restrained the attacking impulse of the French. Napoleon did not dare to bring the old guard into battle and lose the core of the army away from France. The battle ended late in the evening. The troops suffered huge losses: the French - 58 thousand people, the Russians - 44 thousand. Napoleon considered himself the winner in this battle, but later admitted: “Near Moscow, the Russians won the right to be invincible.” In the Battle of Borodino, the Russian army won a great moral and political victory over the European dictator. On September 1, 1812, at a meeting in Fili, Kutuzov decided to leave Moscow. The retreat was necessary to preserve the army and further fight for the independence of the Fatherland. Napoleon entered Moscow on September 2 and stayed there until October 7, 1812. , expecting peace proposals. During this time, most of the city was destroyed by fires. Bonaparte's attempts to make peace with Alexander I were unsuccessful.
Kutuzov stopped in the Kaluga direction in the village of Tarutino (80 km south of Moscow), covering Kaluga with large reserves of fodder and Tula with its arsenals. In the Tarutino camp, the Russian army replenished its reserves and received equipment. Meanwhile, guerrilla warfare broke out. The peasant detachments of Gerasim Kurin, Fyodor Potapov, and Vasilisa Kozhina crushed the French food detachments. Special army detachments of D.V. Davydov and A.N. Seslavin operated.
Having left Moscow in October, Napoleon tried to go to Kaluga and spend the winter in a province not devastated by the war. On October 12, near Maloyaroslavets, Napoleon’s army was defeated and began to retreat along the devastated Smolensk road, driven by frost and hunger. Pursuing the retreating French, Russian troops destroyed their formations in parts. The final defeat of Napoleon's army took place in the battle of the river. Berezina November 14-16. Only 30 thousand French soldiers were able to leave Russia. On December 25, Alexander I issued a manifesto on the victorious end of the Patriotic War.
In 1813-1814, the Russian army launched a foreign campaign for the liberation of Europe from Napoleon's rule. In alliance with Austria, Prussia and Sweden, Russian troops inflicted a number of defeats on the French, the largest being the “Battle of the Nations” near Leipzig. The Treaty of Paris on May 18, 1814 deprived Napoleon of the throne and returned France to the borders of 1793.
Sweden and Naples: S carrying out major military operations in Bavaria and Austria; S November 20, 1805 - defeat of Russian-Austrian troops from Napoleon near Austerlitz in Moravia
Peace of Tilsit between Russia and France: S formalization of the Russian-French union and division of spheres of influence (France - Western and Central Europe; Russia - Northern and Southern Europe); S Russia's consent to the creation of the Duchy of Warsaw from the seized former Polish lands; S Russia's accession to the continental blockade of England; S limitation of Russia's presence in the Mediterranean Sea and transfer to France of the Ionian Islands and Kotor Bay, occupied by the Russian fleet
Fourth Coalition - (1806-1807) in alliance with England, Sweden, Prussia and Saxony: S Conducting major military operations on the territory of Prussia; S January 26-27, 1807 - bloody battle of Russian and French troops near the Prussian village. Preussisch-Eylau; S June 2, 1807 - defeat of the Russian army led by General L. Bennigsen from Napoleon at Friedland in East Prussia
Erfurt Union Convention between Russia and France (September 30, 1809) S confirmation of the terms of the Tilsit Peace; S recognition by France of Russia's rights to Finland, Moldavia and Wallachia
In 1808, Russia, adhering to the terms of the Peace of Tilsit and the alliance with Napoleon, entered the war with Sweden, which refused to sever trade relations with England. In 1809 Sweden was defeated. Russia annexed Finland. The created Grand Duchy of Finland, the head of which was the Russian emperor, became part of Russia with broad internal autonomy (Table 17).
Table 17
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Tensions developed on the southern borders (Table 18). Turkey did not want to recognize Russia’s conquest of the Black Sea coast, and primarily the annexation of Crimea at the end of the 18th century. The main tasks of Russia were the following: to ensure the most
Table 18
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more favorable regime in the Black Sea straits of the Bosporus and Dardanelles and to prevent foreign military vessels from entering the Black Sea.
Russia actively used the right of patronage of Balkan Christians, subjects of the Ottoman Empire, which it received under the Kuchuk-Kaynardzhi (1774) and Yassky (1791) treaties. Contradictions between Russia and Turkey led in 1806 to a new war, which ended in 1812 with the victory of Russia. Under the terms of the Bucharest Peace Treaty signed in May 1812, Bessarabia and a significant section of the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus, along with the city of Sukhumi, went to Russia. Moldova, Wallachia and Serbia, remaining within the Ottoman Empire, received autonomy.
The agreement, concluded a month before Napoleon's attack on Russia, made it possible to concentrate all forces on the fight against Napoleonic aggression.
In the Caucasus, where the interests of Russia, Turkey and Iran collided, the Russian government also pursued an active policy. In 1801, Georgia voluntarily became part of the Russian Empire. The result of the Russian-Iranian war of 1804-1813. was the inclusion of the territory of Northern Azerbaijan and Dagestan into Russia. The first stage of the annexation of the Caucasus to the Russian Empire was completed.
10.7. Patriotic War of 1812
On the eve of 1812, relations with France became increasingly tense. Russia was not satisfied with the Peace of Tilsit, and since 1810 it actually did not observe the continental blockade. In addition, Alexander 1 did not want to recognize Napoleon’s desire for absolute domination in Europe. In turn, the Emperor of France did not want to reckon with Russia in his policy of conquest. All this led to serious contradictions between Russia and France, which developed into military actions, called in our history the Patriotic War of 1812 (Diagram 137).
The active aspirations of the French emperor were opposed by Alexander I, who himself sought influence on European politics. Russia's violation of the continental blockade was one of the reasons for France's entry into the war.
In June 1812, the French army was concentrated on the Russian border, the number of which reached 647 thousand people (including reserves). 448 thousand soldiers crossed the border, who took part in hostilities on Russian territory from June to December
| Scheme 137 |
1812 Core French army consisted of the old guard (10 thousand people).
The army of the “twelve languages” included contingents of the French Empire, the Kingdom of Italy, the Austrian Empire, the Kingdom of Naples and the Two Sicilies, Prussia, Denmark, Bavaria, Saxony, Württemberg, Westphalia and others. Less than half of Napoleon’s “great” army was French.
The invading army was opposed by Russian forces. Russia was mainly diplomatically supported by England, Spain, Portugal and Sweden.
Most French regiments had a significant number of recruits. The quality of French weapons was better than that of the Russians: guns were easier to repair, their parts were interchangeable. The carriage in the artillery pieces rested on metal axles, which allowed the French to move them at high speed. The army was commanded by experienced marshals: N. Oudinot, M. Ney, I. Murat and others.
The Russian army was not inferior to the French in terms of potential capabilities; its number during the war reached 700 thousand people (including Cossacks and militia). In terms of fighting spirit and patriotic inspiration, weapons and food supplies, and artillery power, the Russian army had an advantage.
But in the initial period of the war, the first echelon of French troops that invaded Russia (448 thousand people) exceeded the Russian armies (320 thousand people) covering the western borders. At that time, the 1st Army under the command of M.B. Barclay de Tolly was located in the Baltic States (Lithuania, Kovno-Vilno region), the 2nd Army under the command of P.I. Bagration was in Belarus (between the Neman and Bug rivers), the 3rd Army of A.P. Tormasova occupied positions in Northern Ukraine (Lutsk region). Napoleon's goal in this war, as is sometimes claimed, was not the conquest of Russia - he understood that this was impossible - but the defeat of the main Russian forces during a short-term campaign and the conclusion of a new, more stringent treaty obliging Russia to follow in the wake of French policy.
Russia's strategic plan was different. She tried to avoid general battles, emphasizing rearguard battles, and drawing the French deeper into the country. And although such a doctrine of warfare seemed incorrect to many (General P.I. Bagration was especially ardently opposed to it) and even treacherous, it was approved by Emperor Alexander I. And the course of military operations in 1812 completely confirmed its legitimacy (Table 19) .
Table 19
Preparation of Russia and France for the War of 1812
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The beginning of the war. On June 12, 1812, French troops launched an invasion of Russia, crossing the river. Neman. The Russian armies covering the western border fought rearguard battles and retreated inland; the 1st and 2nd Russian armies united in the Smolensk region, where a bloody battle took place on August 4-6, 1812. Our soldiers defended themselves with dignity (the soldiers and officers of the corps of generals D.S. Dokhturov and N.N. Raevsky especially distinguished themselves), but in order to preserve the army, according to the general plan, they still left the city.
This caused some discontent in the army and society. Therefore, on August 8, 1812, Emperor Alexander I appointed M.I. as commander-in-chief of the Russian army. Kutuzova. On August 17, 1812, he arrived at the troops and began preparations for general battle, the location for which was chosen 110 km from Moscow, near the village. Borodino.
battle of Borodino(26 August 1812). On the eve of the battle, the parties set themselves different strategic tasks: the Russians - not to let the army of invaders reach Moscow, the French - to defeat the Russian army in the decisive battle, which they had been looking for under the leadership of Napoleon since the beginning of the military campaign. All this was evident during the battle itself: Napoleon continuously attacked, hoping to knock the Russians from their positions, and Kutuzov methodically defended himself, counterattacking (Diagram 138).
The battle began with a French attack on Russian army positions called Bagration's flushes. The onslaught lasted seven hours, the fortifications changed hands several times, Bagration himself was seriously wounded and taken from the battlefield. In the middle of the day, Napoleon shifted the direction of the main attack to the center of the Borodino field, where the defense was held by the battery of General Raevsky.
The Russians fought heroically, and, despite the enemy’s capture of Bagration’s flushes and Raevsky’s battery, the offensive impulse of the French army dried up and it failed to achieve a decisive advantage. With the onset of dusk, the battle died down, both sides suffered huge losses, the issue of which is controversial and still discussed in historical science: the number of losses ranges from 20 to 40 thousand people for the French, from 30 to 50 thousand for the Russians.
“Of the 50 battles I fought,” said Napoleon, “this was the battle in which the most valor was demonstrated and the least results were achieved.”
Historians argue: who won this “battle of the giants”? To answer this question, we must return to the goals of the parties. Obviously,
S victory of the Russian troops (M.I. Kutuzov) -, S victory of the French troops (Napoleon); S a draw, since the parties were unable to achieve the complete defeat of each other’s armies (modern historians)
 Scheme 139 |
The people's militia was created in Russia as a strategic reserve to repel French aggression on the basis of tsarist manifestos of July 6 and 18, 1812. It was staffed by province and led by experienced military leaders. So, before the appointment of M.I. as commander-in-chief of the Russian troops. Kutuzov led the people's militia of the St. Petersburg province. The Moscow and Smolensk militias took part in the Battle of Borodino, showing steadfastness and heroism together with regular military units.
The partisan movement occupied a significant place in the people's war against the French invasion. One of the initiators of the creation of partisan “flying detachments” separated from the army was Minister of War M.B. Barclay de Tolly. In total, 36 Cossack, seven cavalry and five infantry regiments operated behind enemy lines. The most famous partisan commanders were A.N. Seslavin, A.S. Figner, D.V. Davydov, A.Kh. Benckendorf, F.F. Wintzingerode et al.
Peasant partisan detachments that arose spontaneously provided great assistance to the active army. They were led by Fyodor Potapov, Ermolai Chetvertakov, Gerasim Kurin, Vasilisa Kozhina.
M.I. Kutuzov called the partisan movement a “small war” and always emphasized the enormous contribution of the partisans to the cause common victory in the Patriotic War of 1812
After the Battle of Borodino, Kutuzov decided to leave Moscow in order to preserve the army. Russian troops, having arrived in the city, carried out the so-called Tarutino maneuver, setting up a military camp 80 km from Moscow on the river. Nare near the village Tarutino and thereby closing the French passage to the south of the country.
On September 2, 1812, Napoleon entered Moscow, and almost immediately a fire began, destroying a significant part of the city's buildings. The French army encountered serious difficulties: military discipline fell, robberies and looting intensified, and there were interruptions in the food and fodder supply. While in Moscow, Napoleon repeatedly turned to Alexander I with proposals to conclude peace, but was invariably refused.
During the five weeks it was in Moscow, the French army lost about 30 thousand people, which was approximately equal to their losses on the Borodino field. As a result, Napoleon was forced to give the order to leave the city.
On October 11, 1812, Napoleon's main forces left Moscow and tried to break through to the southwest. But M.I.’s army, rested and replenished with reserves, stood in their way. Kutuzova. On October 12, 1812, a major battle took place in Maloyaroslavets, which changed hands several times. Having failed to achieve victory, Napoleon gave the order to retreat towards the western border. Russian troops pursued the French and inflicted a number of significant blows on them (October 22 - near Vyazma, November 3-6 - near the village of Krasny, November 14-16 - on the Berezina River). The disorderly flight of the remnants of the French troops began. December 3, 1812 no time " great army» Napoleon left Russia (Table 20).
The victory of the Russian army in the Patriotic War of 1812 was facilitated by the following circumstances:
The dedication and heroism of the Russian people (army, militia, partisans), united in a single patriotic impulse to defend the fatherland;
The military talent of M.I. Kutuzova, M.B. Barclay de Tolly and other military leaders;
Miscalculations and mistakes of Napoleon, expressed in ignorance of the natural and climatic conditions of Russia and its resources;
Irreplaceable losses personnel, the difficulties of food and feed supply for the French.
The Patriotic War of 1812 played a significant role in the fate of Russia and had great historical significance (Diagram 140).
In 1813-1814 Russian troops entered the territory of Europe, where they continued fighting with the recreated Napoleonic army (Table 21). The military initiative remained with Russia and its allies - Prussia and Austria. They won a number of victories
Table 20
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over Napoleon (August 17-18, 1813 - near Kulm, October 4-7, 1813 - near Leipzig) and in January 1814 entered the territory of France. On March 18, 1814, Allied troops entered Paris. Napoleon was dethroned and exiled to Fr. Elbe in the Mediterranean Sea. The monarchy of the Bourbon dynasty was restored in France.
Having defeated Napoleon, it was not easy for the Allies to agree on the post-war reconstruction of Europe due to serious contradictions over territorial issues.
| Foreign campaigns of the Russian army in 1813-1814. |
The Congress of Vienna fixed the boundaries of states and the inviolability of monarchies. The created system was designed to maintain European balance, and it was on it that Russian foreign policy was oriented after 1815 (Diagram 141).
Table 21
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| Historical meaning | |
| Patriotic War of 1812 |
 Scheme 140 |
Creation of the Holy Alliance
Congress of Vienna (September 1814 -
June 1815) Main decisions: S deprivation of France's conquests, and the preservation of its territory corresponding to the borders of 1722; S transition to England Malta
and the Ionian Islands; S the extension of Austrian power to northern Italy and a number of Balkan provinces; ✓ division of the Duchy of Warsaw between Russia, Prussia and Austria. The entry of most of it into the Russian Empire under the name of the Kingdom of Poland
Napoleon's "100 days" (March - June 1815) return to power; defeat at Waterloo; link to o. Saint Helena in Atlantic Ocean
Holy Alliance (September 14, 1815) - Russia, Austria, Prussia. The goal is to preserve the European borders established Congress of Vienna, and the fight against revolutionary movements. Most European states joined the Holy Alliance
To ensure the inviolability of the decisions of the congress, the monarchs of Russia, Prussia, and Austria created the Holy Alliance (Union of Monarchs), which actively suppressed revolutionary explosions, with Russia playing an important role.
Very soon, contradictions began to grow between the participants in the Holy Alliance. England and Austria sought to limit Russia's increased influence on international politics after the defeat of Napoleonic France.
10.8. Decembrist movement
In the first decades of the 19th century. Some representatives of the noble class begin to realize the destructiveness of autocracy and serfdom for the further development of the country. Among them, a system of views is emerging, the implementation of which should change the foundations of Russian life (Diagram 142). The following contributed to the formation of the ideology of future noble revolutionaries:
Russian reality with its inhuman serfdom, lack of rights for the bulk of the population, the absence of representative power from among those elected from the estates and a constitution with unlimited power of the emperor;
The patriotic upsurge caused by the victory in the Patriotic War of 1812, and the successful participation of the Russian army in foreign campaigns of 1813-1814. A Russian recruit soldier defeated the strongest army in Europe, but this did not improve his life and the well-being of the entire country. And the contrast between Russian and European reality was so striking and painful that it could not help but make some of the Russian officers think about the fate of Russia;
Influence humanistic ideas and the views of French enlighteners (Voltaire, J. Rousseau, M. Montesquieu), accepted by a significant part of the future Decembrists;
The reluctance of the government of Alexander I to consistently begin reforming the foundations of Russian society.
At the same time, it should be noted that the worldview of those who are commonly called Decembrists was not united and there were sharp disagreements between them. Among the Decembrists there were both supporters of a revolutionary-violent reconstruction of society, and adherents of evolutionary-moderate transformations in the country. But all of them were opposed to the autocratic serfdom regime in Russia and sought to participate in its change.
Decembrist movement
The state of Russian reality with the lack of rights of the bulk of the population and the dominance of serfdom
Patriotic upsurge and growth of national consciousness
The influence of the humanistic ideas of the French enlighteners
Alexander I's indecisiveness in carrying out reforms
Reform and revolutionary tendencies
The embryos of future Westernism and Slavophilism
National-patriotic and international trends
Dogmas of Orthodoxy and religious indifference
Cxefta 142
Organizations of future Decembrists arose among many different secret societies, which were rich in the social and secular life of Russia in the first decades of the 19th century. Such societies included, first of all, some Masonic lodges, which included N. Muravyov, M. Lunin, S. Muravyov-Apostol, P. Pestel and other future oppositionists. There were also officer artels in the guards regiments, operating in 1814-1816. (in the Life Guards Semenovsky Regiment, General Staff).
In 1816, the first secret organization of the Decembrists was formed - the Union of Salvation, or the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland - in St. Petersburg, on the initiative of Colonel General Staff A.N. Muravyova. It included young guards officers N.M. Muravyov, brothers M.M. and S.M. Muravyov-Apostoly, S.P. Trubetskoy, A.D. Yakushkin, P.I. Pestel. In total, this organization had about ZO members. They considered their main goal to be the introduction of constitutional government and the abolition of serfdom, but the means of achieving it were not yet clear, and there was also no program of political reforms. Disagreements between members of the Salvation Union intensified in the fall of 1817, after which it was decided to dissolve this organization and create a new one (Table 22).
In January 1818, such an organization was created under the name of the Union of Welfare. It was more numerous (about 200 members) and played important role in the development of the organizational and program principles of Decembrism, set out in the charter of the Union, which was called the “Green Book”. Its first part outlined the main task of the activity, which was to form advanced public opinion in the country that would be favorable in the future for the implementation of the reform plans of the Decembrists. The second part of the charter contained the main political goals organizations: introduction of a constitution and legally free representation, abolition of slavery, equality of citizens before the law, liquidation of military settlements. The Union of Welfare had several secret councils, which were located in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Poltava, Tulchin (at the headquarters of the 2nd Army in Ukraine). Members of this organization, among whom stood out P.I. Pestel, A.P. Yushnevsky, V.F. Raevsky, M.F. Orlov, F.N. Glinka, N.I. Turgenev, N.M. Muravyov, K .F. Ryleev, spoke out in defense of advanced science and literature, bought talented self-educated people from serfdom, created Lancastrian schools of mutual training in military units, submitted projects to the government for the liberation of peasants, branded cane discipline and military settlements. In 1820, P.I. Pestel and N.M. Muravyov were instructed to prepare program documents for the secret society. But once again the contradictions between radical and moderate members of society intensified, which led the Welfare Union to a crisis. The goal of overcoming it at the congress
Table 22
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| Secret organizations of future Decembrists |
End of table. 22
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Representatives of the administration in January 1821 in Moscow decided to dissolve themselves. Members of the Tulchin council in Ukraine, led by P.I. Pestel, did not agree with the decision of the Moscow congress to dissolve the Union of Welfare and in March 1821 they created the Southern Society.
The Northern Society was organized in 1822 in St. Petersburg on the initiative of N.M. Muravyov and N.I. Turgenev.
The Society of United Slavs arose back in 1818, autonomously from the Union of Welfare in Ukraine and was originally called the Society of First Harmony. In 1823 it transformed into the Society of United Slavs. Its leaders were the brothers A. and P. Borisov, Yu. Lyublinsky and I. Gorbachevsky. Unlike other Decembrists, they were people of humble and poor origin and advocated the creation of a federal state of all Slavic peoples. In the fall of 1825, the Society of United Slavs joined the Southern Society, thanks, first of all, to the efforts of M.L. Bestuzhev-Ryumina.
The basis of the activities of the Southern and Northern societies was the development of programmatic constitutional projects for the future reorganization of Russia (Table 23). In 1821 -1825 such projects were created: in the Southern Society - “Russian Truth” by P.I. Pestel, in Northern society - “Constitution” by N.M. Muravyov (each document had several versions) (diagram 143).
Despite a number of programmatic and personal-subjective disagreements, members of the Southern and Northern societies were closely connected with each other. In March 1824 P.I. Pestel came to St. Petersburg, where he discussed the “Russian Truth” he wrote with the future Decembrists and insisted on its acceptance as an ideological platform for possible transformations after the coup. His project caused many objections among the northerners, and besides, P.I.’s personality itself was alarming. Pestel, who was considered a dictator by nature. Nevertheless, it was decided in 1826 to convene a congress of both societies to develop a single platform.
Initially, it was proposed to coincide the performance of members of the secret society with general army exercises scheduled for the summer of 1826, during which a coup d’état could be carried out. But circumstances decreed otherwise. On November 19, 1825, Emperor Alexander I unexpectedly died in Taganrog. He had no children, and in accordance with the law on succession to the throne, his brother Constantine was to become king. But few people knew that he had renounced the throne even earlier. A kind of interregnum ensued. The oath of allegiance to Nicholas, the younger brother of Alexander I, who ascended the throne, was scheduled for December 14, 1825. The Decembrists decided to take advantage of this to carry out a coup d’etat (diagram 144).
Table 23
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On December 13, 1825, the last meeting of members of the Northern Society took place at the apartment of K. Ryleev. They decided to withdraw the troops under their influence to Senate Square in St. Petersburg and force the Senate and the State Council not to swear allegiance to Nicholas I, but to accept the “Manifesto to the Russian People,” which declared the following:
"1. Destruction of the former government.
2. Establishment of a temporary institution, until a permanent one is established...
5. Destruction of property rights extending to people.
6. Equality of all classes before the law...
On the morning of December 14, several military units. The first to arrive was the Moscow Life Guards Regiment, led by staff captains brothers Alexander and Mikhail Bestuzhev and Dmitry Shchepin-Rostovsky. The regiment lined up in a square (battle quadrangle) at the monument to Peter I. The hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, the St. Petersburg general, rode up to the rebels on horseback.
During the Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaign of 1813-1814, Russia's attention was diverted from Turkey and the Balkans. However, the Russian government continued to consider the eastern direction of its policy as one of the most important. During the period of the Holy Alliance, Russian diplomacy sought to act within its framework and adhere to the principle of legitimism. Alexander sought to resolve all controversial issues with Turkey through diplomatic means. He understood that the great powers had their own interests in the East, opposing Russia. Nevertheless, he was a supporter of coordinated actions with the European powers on the Eastern question, using the Holy Alliance to strengthen Russia's influence in the Middle East. History of Russia. XIX century: In 2 parts / Ed. V.G. Tyukavkina. - M., 2001. .
In 1812-1814, the international situation in South-Eastern Europe remained extremely tense. Turkey, forced by the Bucharest Peace Treaty to cede Bessarabia to Russia, confirm the autonomy of the Danube principalities and provide self-government to Serbia, sought political revenge and restoration of its positions in the Balkans. Religious fanaticism, anti-Slavic and anti-Russian sentiments were inflamed in the Ottoman Empire. They were also fueled by French diplomacy, which consistently fought against Russia on the eastern question.
In 1813, having gathered huge forces, the Turks began military operations against the ongoing Serbian uprising and defeated it. The new Serbian ruler Milos Obrenovic accepted the Turkish conditions, which restored many of the old orders. In 1815, an uprising broke out again in Serbia. Russia, which by this time had won a victory over Napoleon, was able to act more decisively in defense of the Serbs. She supported them through diplomatic means, insisting on Turkey's strict implementation of the terms of the Bucharest Peace Treaty on the autonomy of Serbia. As a result, in 1816, Turkey and Serbia signed new world, according to which the Sultan finally recognized Serbian autonomy Mironenko S.V. Pages of the secret history of autocracy. Political history of Russia in the first half of the 19th century. - M., 1990..
In 1816, Count G. A. Stroganov was sent to Constantinople on a special mission. His task was to achieve from the Porte strict compliance with the terms of the Treaty of Bucharest. No less pressing was the issue of freedom of navigation in the straits and the trade of Russian subjects in the Ottoman Empire. All these issues should have been resolved through peaceful, diplomatic means, without leading to a new armed conflict. However, things did not move forward.
Pursuing a moderate and restrained policy towards Turkey, Russia gradually lost its influence in the eastern Mediterranean, where the position of England significantly strengthened.
In the 1820s, the Eastern Question received new development in connection with the widespread national liberation uprising in Greece. In 1814 In Odessa, Greek patriots created the secret organization “Filiki Eteria” (“Society of Friends”) and began preparations for the liberation of the Balkans. In 1817-1820, the activities of the etherists spread to Moldova, Wallachia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece proper and Greek communities abroad. In all the plans of Filiki Eteria, the main place was occupied by the issue of preparing an uprising in Greece simultaneously with anti-Turkish protests in other areas of the Balkans. The government of Alexander I fundamentally condemned the activities of the secret Greek society, but in general continued to patronize the Greeks. The head of “Filiki Eteria” was A. Ypsilanti, a major general in the Russian service and adjutant of the emperor (in 1816-1817).
In January 1821, an uprising broke out in Wallachia, aimed at undermining the power of the Porte (Turkish troops brutally suppressed it). And in March 1821, detachments of Greeks under the command of Ypsilanti crossed the border and invaded the Danube principalities, hoping to cross from there to Greece. The expedition failed, but the call issued by Ypsilanti was taken up, and the uprising flared throughout Greece. Its goal was to proclaim the independence of the country.
Initially, the Russian government took a tougher position towards the Greek movement than the rebels expected. Ypsilanti was dismissed from Russian service without the right to return to Russia. Alexander I made a demarche condemning the Greek revolution (“it is unworthy to undermine the foundations of the Turkish empire with a shameful and criminal action of a secret society”) and brought it to the attention of the European courts and the Porte. Alexander, who believed in the existence of a pan-European secret organization with a single center, believed that the Greek uprising was aimed at destroying the Holy Alliance (since the beginning Russian-Turkish war would mean the actual collapse of the Union). Alexander told Kapodistrias: “Peace in Europe has not yet been consolidated, and the instigators of the revolution would like nothing more than to drag me into a war with the Turks.” However, Alexander internally approved of Ypsilanti’s behavior and did not hide it from those around him. And among all segments of the Russian population, the prevailing opinion was that it was necessary to provide assistance to the Greeks. History of Russian foreign policy. The first half of the 19th century (from Russia’s wars against Napoleon to the Paris Peace of 1856). - M.: International Relations, 1995..
On April 10, 1821, on Easter Day, the Turks killed Patriarch Gregory of Constantinople. This was followed by executions and violence. After this, Alexander presented an ultimatum to the Sultan, demanding an end to atrocities against the civilian Greek population. The ultimatum was rejected. On July 29, Alexander I recalled his ambassador from Constantinople. Russia began to prepare for war. But Alexander changed his decision, which was in conflict with the principles of the Holy Alliance, within the framework of which Alexander sought to conduct his policy. The consistent implementation of the principle of legitimism required placing the Greek uprising on a par with the ongoing revolution in Spain. At the same time, there was a threat of uprising in the Polish lands, which connected Russia with other participants in the partitions of Poland - Austria and Prussia. Therefore, Alexander I suspended his intervention in the Greco-Turkish conflict and signed a joint declaration of monarchs at the Congress in Verona, which obliged the Greeks to return to Turkish rule, and the Turks not to take revenge on the Greeks.
Russia tried to achieve coordinated actions by the European powers and collective pressure on Turkey to resolve the Greek issue. But she encountered opposition from England and Austria, who sabotaged all Russian plans to “pacify” the Greeks. Castlereagh directly said that the defeat of the rebel Greeks by Turkey was for his cabinet the best option and “will be the simplest way to eliminate the complications that have arisen in the East.” This position of the European powers forced Alexander I to temporarily retreat on this issue. The Austrian envoy Lebzeltern wrote to Metternich about Alexander I: “The dignity, honor, interests of the empire and his august person have been sacrificed. He knows that... Russia has lost respect... The Porte has ceased to take it into account.”
Meanwhile, British policy began to change. The actual self-removal of Russia from the Ottoman possessions was beneficial to London. After the death of R. Castlereagh new minister Foreign Affairs of England J. Canning in March 1823 recognized the Greeks as a belligerent party. English banks provided them with assistance in the amount of 800 thousand pounds sterling. British diplomacy undertook complex diplomatic maneuvers not so much in order to provide real assistance to the Greeks, but in order to tie Russia's hands in this international problem, to prevent the outbreak of a Russian-Turkish war. Meanwhile, the military situation of the Greeks was rapidly deteriorating. Their camp was weakened by civil strife and the struggle for power.
At the beginning of 1825, the St. Petersburg Conference met, in which Russia, Austria, Prussia, England and France participated. She was last try Russian government coordinate the actions of the powers. The Russian government's program was met with hostility by Austria and England, and coolly by France and Prussia. Türkiye rejected proposals for mediation from participants in the conference History of Russian Foreign Policy. First half of the 19th century. - M., 1985..
In February 1825, two well-armed and French-trained divisions of the Sultan's vassal, the Egyptian Pasha Muhammad Ali, arrived to help the Turks. The Greek revolution was on the verge of complete military defeat. On the other hand, the positions of Russia’s rivals, England and France, were strengthening in the Balkans. By this time, the revolutionary movement in Europe had been suppressed. As a result, in a note dated August 6, 1825, Alexander I declared to his allies that he was regaining independence of action in the eastern question, that in relation to Turkey, Russia from now on “will exclusively follow its own ideas and be guided by its own interests.” Despite the protests of the allies, the concentration of Russian troops began on the borders with Turkey.
Thus, Russian foreign policy after the victory over Napoleon was associated with the creation of the Viennese territorial-political system in Europe (which turned out to be quite stable) and the formation of the Holy Alliance. The inspirer of this union was Emperor Alexander I. The purpose of the union was to protect the principles of legitimism and prevent revolutionary upheavals in Europe. The wave of Western European revolutions of the early 1820s was repulsed. But the “protective” tendency in Russian foreign policy came into conflict with other international interests, which was clearly demonstrated during the Greek uprising that began in 1821.
Ultimately, Alexander I's decision to act independently and decisively in the eastern question became a serious threat to the existence of the Holy Alliance
Lesson objectives:
- introduce students to the main directions and events of Russian foreign policy under Alexander I;
- cultivate a sense of patriotism, a sense of pride in the achievements of previous generations of our country;
- develop skills in working with a multimedia projector, documents, and additional material;
- consolidate the ability to highlight the general, most importantly, systematize knowledge, speak correctly and competently, work with a map;
- develop students’ skills in relating illustrated and poetic material to current events;
- teach project preparation skills.
Lesson type:
studying the material by defending the project.Equipment:
map “Territory of the Russian Empire at the end of the 18th century” early XIX centuries.”, paintings, quotes, documents, additional material, cards, textbook: history of the state and peoples of Russia (A.A. Danilov, L.G. Kosulina) paragraph No. 3.Lesson plan:
During the classes:
I. Repetition of the studied material.
1. Slide No. 1 photo of Alexander I.Raised under the drum
Our dashing king was a captain:
He fled near Austerlitz,
In the twelfth year I was trembling. /A.S.Pushkin/
Describe Alexander I
2. Working with concepts:
ministries
decree on free cultivators
State Council
Committee of Ministers
3. Working with dates:
(folder of diagrams of the 9th-19th centuries)Domestic policy |
Foreign policy |
1796-1801 reign of Paul I |
1801 entry of Georgia |
1804-1813 Russian–Iranian War |
|
1801formation of the Secret Committee |
1805 Battle of Austerlitz |
1801-1825 reign of Alexander |
1807 Peace of Tilsit |
1802 ministerial reform |
1808 second meeting of Alexander I and Napoleon I in Erfurt |
1803 decree on free cultivators |
1808-1809 Russian-Swedish war |
1810 education State Council |
1806-1812 Russian-Turkish war |
II.
Today in class we will look at the foreign policy of Alexander I. Within the framework of this issue, 3 main directions are revealed: eastern, western, northern.
Slide 2 When working on a project prepared by Egor Solodov, you need to reveal the main directions of Russian foreign policy at the beginning of the 19th century.
Main directions.Eastern direction - the struggle between Russia and France for leadership in Europe
Western direction - annexation of Transcaucasia to Russia
Northern direction – struggle with Sweden for leadership in the Balkans
Slide 4 Main events in the eastern direction
Entry of Georgia (teacher's story)In 1798, the Georgian Tsar George XII turned to the Russian Emperor with a request for patronage on the condition of limiting the prerogatives of the Georgian Tsar in foreign and domestic policy.
On September 12, 1801, the Manifesto of Alexander I was promulgated: “The royal dynasty of Georgia (Bagratida) was dethroned; control of Kakheti and Kartliya passed to Russian governors; tsarist administration was introduced in Eastern Georgia.
In 1803-1804 The rest of Georgia - Mingrelia, Guria and Imereti - became part of Russia on the same terms.
In 1814, the construction of the Georgian Military Road was completed, which connected Transcaucasia with European Russia, and in this regard was of great strategic and economic importance.
The annexation of Georgia had enormous political, economic and cultural significance - both for Georgia itself and for Russia.
Tell us about the Russian-Iranian war of 1804-1813.(Message No. 1, Enz. p. 524).
Russian generals (write in notebook).Ivan Vasilievich Gudovich.
Alexander Petrovich Tormasov.
Pyotr Stepanovich Kotlyarevsky.
Slide 9- 10
Tell us about the Russian-Turkish war of 1806-1812.(Message No. 2, Enz. pp. 530-531).
Slide 11 – 12
Personality in history (write in notebook).Ivan Ivanovich Mikhelson.
Dmitry Nikolaevich Senyavin.
Mikhail Fedotovich Kamensky.
Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov.
Selim III, Mahmud II.
Slide 14 – 19
Tell about the Russian-Prussian-French war of 1805-1807. (Message No. 3, Enz. pp. 525-526).Slide 20 – 21
What do you know about the Russian-Swedish war of 1808 – 1809? (Message No. 4, Enz. pp. 536-537). Heroes of War (write in notebook).Fedor Fedotovich Buxgewden.
Pyotr Ivanovich Bagration.
Mikhail Bogdanovich Baklay de Tolly.
Yakov Petrovich Kulnev.
4. Working with the map:
Show on the map the territories that became part of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 19th century: Finland, Bessarabia, Georgia, the Kingdom of Poland.
5. Lesson summary:
Thus, the results of Alexander I’s foreign policy by the beginning of the War of 1812 were extremely contradictory. Significant successes have been achieved in the Eastern and Northern directions. In the wars with France, Russia was unable to resist Napoleonic army, but did not suffer crushing defeats.
Consolidation of the studied material: working with cards.
№ 119 – 2 3 5 6 8.
No. 120 – 1801 Georgia.
No. 121 – 1809 Finland.
No. 122 – 1812 Bessarabia.
Card 119
. Continental blockade, what Russia’s participation in the continental blockade led to.1. War with Finland.
2. Severance of trade relations with England.
3. War with Sweden.
4. March on India.
5. The fall of the ruble exchange rate.
6. Losses in the grain trade.
7. Loss of independence.
8. Customs war with France.
9. Dismemberment of Russia.
10.War with Turkey.
Card 120
Since ancient times... the kingdom, oppressed by its neighbors of other faiths, exhausted its strength by constantly fighting in its own defense, feeling the inevitable consequences of war almost always unhappy. Added to this were disagreements in the royal house, threatening to complete the fall of this kingdom by reviving internecine war in it. Tsar George Iraklievich, seeing the approaching end of his days, the noble ranks and the people themselves... now resorted to our protection, and not foreseeing any other salvation from final death and subjugation to their enemies, they asked, through the plenipotentiaries sent, to take over the regions... to the kingdom subject to direct allegiance to the imperial all-Russian throne...
From Paul's manifesto
Card 121
. The annexation of new territories to the Russian Empire, the annexation of which territories is stated in the document.His Majesty the King... both for himself and for the successors to his throne and kingdom... renounces irrevocably and forever in favor of His Majesty the Emperor of All Russia and the successors to his throne in the Russian Empire from all his rights and claims to the provinces below indicated, conquered by the arms of His Imperial Majesty in the current war from the power... namely: in the provinces of Kimmenegard, Niland and Tavastgus, Abov and Bierneborg with the Aland islands, Savolak and Karelian, Bazov, Uleaborg and part of western Bothnia to the Torneo River, as it will be decided in the next article about assigning boundaries...
Treaty of Friedrichsham
Card 122
. The annexation of new territories to the Russian Empire, the annexation of which territories is stated in the documents.The first article of the preliminary points, already signed in advance, stipulated that the Prut River from its entrance... to its connection with the Danube... and the left bank of the Danube from this connection to the mouth of the Chilia and to the sea, will form the border of both empires, for which this mouth will be common... As a result of the above-mentioned article, the brilliant Ottoman Porte cedes and gives to the Russian Imperial Court the lands lying on the left bank of the Prut, with fortresses, towns, villages and dwellings located there, and the middle of the Prut River will be the border between both high empires.
From the Bucharest Treaty.
Answers to cards
№ 119 – 2 3 5 6 8.
No. 120 – 1801 Georgia.
No. 121 – 1809 Finland.
No. 122 – 1812 Bessarabia.
Homework:
characterize the great Russian generals and commanders.1. Ivan Vasilievich GudovichIvan Vasilievich Gudovich,
count ((1741 - January 1820, Olgopol, now Bershad district, Vinnitsa region)) - Russian field marshal general. From a Ukrainian noble family. In July 1800, for criticizing the Prussian order imposed in the army by Paul I, he was dismissed. In 1806 he was returned to service and appointed commander-in-chief of the troops in Georgia and Dagestan, and took energetic measures to stop the plague in the Caucasus. In the Russian-Turkish War of 1806-1812 he defeated Turkish troops seraskir Yusuf Pasha at the Gumry fortress on the Arpachay River (6/18/1807), but after an unsuccessful assault on Erivan (11/17/1808) he withdrew his troops to Georgia. A serious illness (with loss of an eye) forced Gudovich to leave the Caucasus. Since 1809, Gudovich was the commander-in-chief in Moscow, a member of the Permanent Council (from 1810 a member of the State Council), and a senator. Retired since 1812. Conquered Khadzhibey (1789), Anapa (1791) and Dagestan. Participated in the conquest of the Baku, Sheki and Derbent khanates. During the Russian-Turkish War of 1806-1812, troops under his command won a major victory at Arpachai (1807), but after an unsuccessful assault on the Erivan fortress (1808) they were forced to retreat to Georgia. In 1809-1812, member of the State Council, senator.2. Alexander Petrovich Tormasov
- under Tsar Paul I in 1799 he was expelled from service, but in 1800 he was again appointed commander of the Life Guards. cavalry regiment. In 1803 he was appointed governor-general of Kyiv, in 1807 - governor-general of Riga, in 1808 - commander-in-chief in Georgia and the Caucasian line. Arriving at his post in February 1809, Tormasov found things in a difficult situation: Turkey and Persia were preparing to invade our borders, Imereti and Abkhazia were in rebellion, Dagestan was close to that, and the commander-in-chief had no more than 42 thousand at his disposal. troops. Tormasov showed tireless energy, the ability to direct the actions of his troops and the ability to choose executors. Thanks to this, success gradually leaned towards Russia. Having taken the Poti fortress and thereby eliminating the influence of the Turks on Abkhazia and Imereti, Tormasov restored peace to them; In Dagestan, attempts at uprising were suppressed.3. Pyotr Stepanovich Kotlyarevsky -
the son of a village priest, he was also destined for the clergy, but was accidentally enrolled in an infantry regiment and, at the age of 14, already participated in the Persian War, which took place at the end of the reign of Catherine II. In the 17th year he was promoted to officer and soon gained great fame for a number of brilliant exploits during military operations in the Transcaucasus, especially the defeat of ten times the strongest Persian army in the battle of Aslanduz and the storming of the Lenkoran fortress. During the last assault, Kotlyarevsky was wounded by 3 bullets and was forced to leave his service.4. Ivan Ivanovich Mikhelson
- Russian military leader, cavalry general, best known for his final victory over Pugachev.He took part in the Seven Years' War, in the Turkish campaign of 1770 and in actions against the Polish Confederates. For his services in defeating the Pugachev uprising he received the Order of St. George, 3rd degree, an estate in the Vitebsk province, as well as a gold sword decorated with diamonds. In 1775 he was appointed commander of the cuirassier Military Order regiment, and in 1776 of the Life Cuirassier regiment. In 1778 he was promoted to major general and awarded the Order of St. Alexander Nevsky, from 1781 prime major of the Life Guards Horse Regiment, from 1786 lieutenant general.
During the Swedish War of 1788-1789. Mikhelson commanded a corps in the army of General Musin-Pushkin. In 1803 he was appointed Belarusian military governor; in 1805 he was entrusted with command of the troops gathered on the western border, and in 1806 with command of the Dnieper army, intended for action against the Turks. Having occupied Moldavian lands with her, Michelson died in Bucharest.
5. Mikhail Fedotovich Kamensky
- count, field marshal general, Emperor Paul I elevated him to the rank of count in 1797, but dismissed him from service in the same year.In 1806, K. was appointed commander-in-chief of the army operating against the French, arrived on December 7, and 6 days later, under the pretext of illness, he transferred command to Buksgveden and left for his Oryol estate, where he was killed by one of his servants.