The October Revolution did not mark the beginning of a direct world revolution, but it undoubtedly stimulated global reformist transformations in the West, as a result of which workers achieved significant social gains, and capitalism itself subsequently took on a very civilized, decent form of a “social partnership” society. The Bolsheviks did their best to ensure a majority in the Soviets for workers and members of the party elite as the most proletarian, as a result of which Soviet power began to acquire the features of a one-party dictatorship. The main instrument for building a new statehood was the Council of People's Commissars, headed by V.I. Lenin, which from the very beginning freed itself from the control of the Soviets and began the formation of a specific Bolshevik political regime of power. In January 1918, the Constituent Assembly was dispersed. The contours of Soviet statehood were determined by the first Constitution of the RSFSR, adopted in July 1918, which simultaneously became the very first constitution in Russia as a whole. The Basic Law reflected the influence of the recent revolution and the beginning of the civil war. Former exploiters were deprived of civil rights, non-labor elements were excluded from political life, and unequal rights were provided for voters in towns and villages. The elections were multi-stage, which ensured the right composition all Soviets.
Until the death of V.I. Lenin, the party and state maintained a regime of relative communist pluralism, which allowed a certain freedom of opinion within the framework of communist doctrine. But already at this time there was a deformation of the political regime, which the “workers’ opposition”, the group of “democratic centralism”, Trotsky’s opposition and others tried to fight against. The formation of a one-party political system. system, the resolution “On Party Unity” prohibited the creation in the RCP (b) of factions or groups that had a point of view different from the party leadership. Having introduced unanimity in its ranks, the Bolshevik leadership set to work for its political leaders. opponents. In December 1921, at the suggestion of Dzerzhinsky, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks decided to hold an open trial of the Socialist Revolutionaries. The trial took place in June-August 1922. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee tribunal accused those arrested of organizing conspiracies to overthrow the Soviets. authorities, in counter-revolutionary propaganda and agitation. In June 1923, a secret instruction was developed “On measures to combat the Mensheviks,” which set the task of breaking up the Menshevik party. Polit. the opposition outside the Bolshevik Party ceased to exist.
Education of the USSR. At the suggestion of Lenin, on October 6, 1922, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) approved the draft Federal Treaty, according to which. All republics were guaranteed equal rights within the newly formed USSR, and were theoretically given the right to freely secede from the Union. December 30, 1922, on the opening day of the 1st Congress of Soviets of the USSR, which adopted the decision. on the formation of the USSR, the already paralyzed Lenin dictated a letter “On the question of nationalities or “autonomization”.” Here he outlined his understanding of internationalism and emphasized the need to preserve and strengthen it. THE USSR. The formation of the USSR on December 30, 1922 occurred as part of 4 republics: the RSFSR, Ukraine, Belarus and the Transcaucasian Federation. In January 1924, the Constitution of the USSR was adopted. Supreme law. According to it, the body was the Congress of Soviets of the USSR. He was elected on the basis of indirect election. rights of deputies of provincial and republican Soviets. At the same time, the so-called “non-labor elements”, the elections were not secret, they were held at meetings of labor collectives. The Central Executive Committee met at the Congresses of Soviets three times a year. It consisted of two laws. chambers: the Council of the Union and the Council of Nationalities. The CEC elected the Presidium of the CEC and appointed the Council of People's Commissars (an executive and administrative body with a number of legislative functions). Thus, the NEP as a whole included an administrative-market system of economic management under the state. property on a large scale and that means. part of industry, transport, banking, with unequal exchange with the countryside and authoritarian politics. The Authoritarian regime is distinguished by a strictly hierarchical structure of power that does not allow any kind of political power. opposition, if present, however, in the economy various forms property. From here ext. inconsistency of authoritarian regimes, cat. leads to the fact that their development leads either to the gradual democratization of politics. sphere and legal society, or origin. nationalization of the economy with further tightening of state control over politics, ideology and personal life citizens, as a result, all the “innovations” of the NEP demanded the abolition of force. labor and centuries labor market, reforming the salary system (a tariff system of remuneration was introduced). A monetary reform was carried out, resulting in a cat. became centuries in the country there is a hard monetary unit backed by gold - the “golden chervonets”, cat. highly valued on the world foreign exchange market. Most quickly adapt. to the NEP small industry, retail trade and the countryside. The recovery of heavy industry proceeded at a slower pace. After the terrible drought of 1921 and the hungry year of 1922, agriculture began to gradually improve. took away their volumes. The introduction of the NEP caused a change in social life. structures and lifestyles of people. The personification of the new economy. The regiments were bright, socially heterogeneous types: red people's commissars, directors.
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Meganov Sergey Alexandrovich. The formation of a one-party political system in Soviet Russia: 1917 - 1921. : dissertation... candidate of historical sciences: 07.00.02.- Voronezh, 2002.- 189 p.: ill. RSL OD, 61 02-7/636-2
Introduction
Chapter 1 Reasons and prerequisites for the formation of a one-party political system (February 1917 - January 1918) 25
1 Political parties and their positions on the eve and during the February bourgeois-democratic revolution 26
2 Political parties between February and October 1917 36
3 Inter-party struggle in Russia in October-December 1917 67
4 Political parties and the Constituent Assembly 87
Chapter 2 Political parties during the civil war 98
1 Political parties in 1918 99
2 Changes in the political situation in Russia during the civil war 119
Chapter 3 Completion of the formation of a one-party political system in 1921 138
1 Political parties after the end of the civil war 138
2 The Soviet one-party political system at the end of 1921... 160
Conclusion 169
Archival sources and bibliography 175
Political parties between February and October 1917
For further analysis of the political processes that took place in Russia in 1917, related to the activities of political parties and movements, it is necessary to turn to the study of the political situation and tasks facing the parties in the period between February and October. Let us trace how, from April to October 1917, the Bolshevik Party stood at the head of the popular movement. The need to consider this issue seems justified for the following reasons: firstly, it was in the period after the February Revolution that the prerequisites matured for the establishment of a one-party system in Soviet Russia; secondly, during the inter-party struggle in the spring and summer of 1917, the Bolsheviks quite convincingly proved their advantages over non-proletarian parties, which subsequently led to the creation of conditions for the Bolshevik Party to come to power in the country.
April 1917 became one of the turning points in the history of the Russian revolution. On April 3, 1917, the leader of the Bolshevik Party, V.I., returned from emigration to Petrograd. Lenin. Arrival of V.I. Lenin's visit to Russia in early April 1917 radically changed the balance of power in the country and the plans of the Bolsheviks.
After returning to Russia V.I. On April 4, Lenin made a report on the April Theses to members of the Central Committee. In them, he formulated the task of developing the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one through the transfer of power to the Soviets. IN AND. In his theses, Lenin developed the political platform of the party corresponding to the new stage of the revolution. The materials of the "April Theses" largely set out the goal and objectives of the Bolshevik Party in the spring of 1917, which consisted of an immediate end to the war, the beginning of the struggle for peace, for socialist transformations. A red thread through the work of V.I. Lenin's thoughts are about the seizure of power by the Soviets, about the role and place of the Soviets in the revolution, about a new state structure. “It is impossible to end the war with a truly democratic, non-violent peace without the overthrow of capital,” he argued. Developing this idea at the VII All-Russian Bolshevik Conference (April 24-29, 1917) V.I. Lenin connected the end of the war with a truly democratic peace with the main question of the revolution - the question of power: “In order for the war to be over, power must pass into the hands of the revolutionary class”25. According to a number of researchers, the issue of ending the war, associated with the transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets and the “overthrow of capital,” Lenin’s peace slogan of April 1917 was a lever for the destruction of the army, a tool for discrediting the barely born government in the eyes of the people; he did not provide a genuine solution to the problem of ending the war. The leaders of the socialist parties had an extremely negative attitude towards the work “April Theses” by V.I. Lenin, in which they did not see a clear plan of struggle and a concrete solution to the main problems - the transfer of power into the hands of the Bolshevik political party, the end of the war. G.V. Plekhanov called the April Theses V.I. Lenin’s “delusion,” “an insane and extremely harmful attempt to sow anarchic unrest on Russian soil.” Thus, the call of V.I. Lenin's idea of taking power was not supported by the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries.
The majority of the Russian population did not support the Bolsheviks either in the first peaceful months of the revolution or in July-August 1917. The majority of the people, judging by the composition of the Soviets and self-government bodies, supported the bloc of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. The masses were alarmed by the defeatism of the Bolsheviks during the war and their extremist course proposed in solving pressing issues. However, at turning points, like in the spring of 1917, if the government hesitates in solving pressing problems, a rapid change in mass mood leading to the most unpredictable consequences. The “April Theses,” and this is their main strength, appeared during the disruption of the centuries-old foundations and traditions of Russian society, during the absence of firm state power, on the eve of the explosion of mass dissatisfaction with the unrealized tasks of the February Revolution: the peasants did not receive land, the imperialist war continued, An 8-hour working day was established by law. The surge in crime in the spring of 1917 and the devastation fueled discontent with the Provisional Government, which pursued policies that did not meet the requirements and interests of the people29. Under these conditions, slogans that promised immediate satisfaction of all the demands of workers, soldiers, and peasants are beginning to gain increasing popularity.
Every day the revolution tested the concepts and methods of political parties to solve the country's pressing problems. The program of the Provisional Government of G.E. did not pass this test. Lvov, which after March 2, 1917 was dominated by cadets. The government tried to convince workers to drop demands for increases wages, introduction of an 8-hour working day. But the most important question then was the attitude towards the war, which sharply worsened the already difficult situation of the country's population. Losses in killed and wounded, prisoners and sick amounted to 8,730 thousand people31. A quick end to the war became the main issue for the continued existence of Russia. “In 1917, what was the big deal?” asked Lenin. “The exit from the war... And this covered everything”32. The gap between the policies of the Provisional Government and the moods and desires of the people deepened more and more, manifesting itself openly on April 20 and 21, 1917.
Inter-party struggle in Russia in October-December 1917
The events of the second half of September 1917 became the prologue to the October Revolution, the time when the Bolsheviks, guided by Lenin’s letters of September 12-14, began preparations for the conquest of power. This training took place in difficult conditions internal disagreements, even conflicts between supporters of an armed uprising and its opponents. The basis of the activities of all party members in the struggle for a new state was the desire for main goal revolution - the conquest of political power. The seizure of power as the result of all the work determined the tactics of the Bolsheviks at the end of September - October 1917. The Bolsheviks, having won the support of the masses, wresting them from the influence of petty-bourgeois parties, could no longer stop at an agreement with the Provisional Government. According to G.V. Plekhanov, “in the tactics of the Bolsheviks there was a “pathological” desire to seize power by a narrow group of people”106.
In the context of the lack of unity among Russian Social Democracy at the end of September 1917, the crisis of the Provisional Government, the Bolsheviks' plan to accomplish a socialist revolution at the end of September became a reality. In the last ten days of September, the contradictions between the non-proletarian parties on the one hand and the Bolsheviks on the other reached their climax. How did the non-proletarian parties react to the strengthening of the Bolshevik party?
The growing influence of the Bolsheviks, the increase in the number of party members (from February to October the Bolshevik Party increased 15 times, numbering 350 thousand at the beginning of September 1917), the Social Democracy of Russia was greatly alarmed. At the end of September 1917, the goal of the non-proletarian parties became obvious - to prevent the Bolsheviks from coming to power at any cost. For this purpose, on September 22, 1917, a meeting of representatives of revolutionary democracy was held in the Winter Palace - N.S. Chkheidze, I.G. Tsereteli, N.A. Rudnev, N.N. Smirnov and others proposed to the government A.F. Kerensky to take measures to close the gates to the Bolsheviks, also participating in the Democratic Conference107.
One of the primary issues in the work of the Democratic Conference was the question of power. On September 25, the third Provisional Coalition Government was created, and A.F. became its chairman and supreme commander-in-chief. Kerensky, who was military and naval minister in the first coalition government, was chairman in the second.
After the Council of the Republic approved the cabinet of A.F. Kerensky, the government began to be represented mainly by members of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties. It included 10 socialists and 6 liberals, incl. 4 cadets. A.F. became Minister-Chairman and Chief. Kerensky. The participation of the Cadets in the government was approved by a slight majority of votes: 776 people were for a coalition with the Cadets, 688 were against108. Having excluded “the parties that compromised themselves in the Kornilov case,” the Council agreed to the participation of the Cadets in the government, individually allowing A.F. Kerensky, in order to support the “party elite of the nation,” introduce D.P. into his cabinet. Konovalova, N.M. Kishkina and N.P. Tretyakov 109.
In the government formed on September 25, 1917, the bourgeois majority (11 out of 17 cabinet members) openly dictated their will to the socialists. The situation of the latter at the beginning of October became increasingly unstable. This was invariably taken advantage of by the Bolsheviks, who, from mid-September, pursued a course towards an armed uprising and announced at a meeting of the Central Committee on September 23 that “... joining the Democratic Conference, which did not reject an alliance with the imperialists, was... a demonstration in the style of declarations of French, English and American Parliament"110.
At the beginning of October 1917, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries were experiencing a crisis. According to the Russian historian N.V. Romanovsky, in the parties of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries in October 1917, “complete confusion reigned”111. The Left Socialist Revolutionaries (Natanson and Kamkov) remain in the Pre-Parliament, but promise “full support for the Bolsheviks in the event of revolutionary uprisings outside it”112. At the beginning of October 1917, the Menshevik Party was practically not noticed in the political arena. She was experiencing one of the deepest crises. The article “The Collapse of Menshevism” appeared in Novaya Zhizn on September 29, 1917; “The Agony of Menshevism” was the title of an article in the newspaper “Unity” dated October 4, 1917.
Thus, at the beginning of October 1917, when the largest socialist parties - the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, compromised themselves on behalf of the people by participating in the Provisional Government, which was unable to resolve the issue of peace, land, the labor issue, the Bolsheviks, who called for the continuation of the revolution, consolidated their success by setting themselves the goal of gaining political power.
Changes in the political situation in Russia during the civil war
During the civil war, processes of serious changes began in the management of the Soviet state, requiring superhuman efforts and hundreds of thousands of victims. The content of the paragraph will present an analysis of the position of various parties, their activities during the civil war; as well as a study of changes in the political life of Russia in 1918 -1920. The Bolsheviks, as you know, after October outlawed all parties. At the end of 1918, the process of forming a one-party system began to spread from the center of Russia to other territories of the country. This was due to the changes that occurred in the politics of non-proletarian parties in the fall of 1918.
In September 1918, a revision of the position of the right Socialist Revolutionaries began in relation to Soviet power. On September 8-23, 1918, they took part in the Ufa State Conference, which elected the Directory, which pledged to transfer power on January 1, 1919 to the Constituent Assembly, if it met. However, on November 18, the Kolchak coup took place, members of the Directory were arrested, and some were shot. It was adopted at the suggestion of V.M. Chernova appeal about the fight against A.V. Kolchak. In the fall of 1918, the petty-bourgeois parties began to turn towards Soviet power. At the height of the civil war (winter 1918/1919) the process is underway establishment of Soviet power in all provinces of Great Russia with a population of 70 million people.
In December 1918, many petty-bourgeois parties in certain regions of Soviet Russia occupied positions of Soviet power. The Socialist Revolutionaries of Tomsk and Omsk went over to the side of the Bolsheviks; Mensheviks of the Volga region. At this time, the Menshevik Central Committee issued “Theses and Resolutions on the Refusal of Political Cooperation with Hostile Classes.” On December 1, 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee allowed the Mensheviks to participate in the elections to the Soviets. The decision of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of June 14, 1918, which expelled the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries from the Soviets, was canceled. This policy of the Soviet government at the end of 1918 contributed to the involvement of the left forces of the petty-bourgeois parties in a more active fight against the counter-revolution.
At the same time, at the turn of 1918/1919, the process of disintegration of the Socialist Revolutionary Party began. At the end of 1918 - beginning of 1919, thousands of its members left the party. However, only representatives of the top party heeded B. Savinkov’s course to continue the anti-Soviet struggle. The turn towards Soviet power became an obvious fact at the beginning of 1919. In November 1918, the prominent ideologist of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, Pitirim Sorokin, publicly announced his resignation from the party and relinquished his title as a deputy of the Constituent Assembly. For the RCP(b), the period from January 1918 to 1919 became a time of consolidation in power, determination and choice of strategy in relation to the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and other parties; as well as the beginning of the development of the dictatorship of the proletariat into the dictatorship of one political party.
Thus, in 1918, the foundations of a one-party system were laid in Russia. In 1919, the process of establishing a one-party political system spread to all regions of Russia. This process took place in the context of the struggle of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) with the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Cadets, who formed the basis of the “democratic counter-revolution” and who continued to fight on the side of the “Whites” against the Soviet regime. However, the events of January-February 1919 marked the beginning of changes in the policy of the Socialist Revolutionary and Menshevik parties towards the Bolsheviks.
At the beginning of 1919, after A.V. came to power in Siberia, the main area of concentration of the Socialist Revolutionaries. Kolchak, repressions began against members of the AKP, which became the cause of discord in the party and the reason for a change in its tactics.
At the beginning of February 1919, a number of members of the AKP expressed wishes to abandon the armed struggle against Soviet power. On February 8, 1919, at the AKP conference, a resolution was adopted on the current situation and the party’s tactics, which rejected the attempt to overthrow the Soviet government by armed means due to the “weakness of labor democracy” and at the same time the growing strength of the counter-revolution.”
In the context of the revision of their positions in relation to the Soviets by members of non-proletarian parties, the Bolsheviks in March 1919, when the offensive of Admiral A.V. Kolchak, again, turned from a policy of confrontation to compromise cooperation with the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and anarchists.
Here it is important to note one remarkable event in the history of Bolshevik-SR cooperation in the spring of 1919. After the liberation of Ufa in March 1919, a group of members of the Central Committee of the AKP - V.A. Volsky, K.V. Burevoy, D.A. Rakitnikov - began negotiations with the Ufa RVC on joint actions against A.V. Kolchak. IN AND. Lenin and Ya.M. Sverdlov, welcoming this decision, telegraphed: “... negotiations must immediately begin with the Socialist Revolutionaries proposing negotiations”44. An agreement was concluded with the Socialist Revolutionaries to end the civil war with Soviet power and turn arms against A.V. Kolchak. From the enemies of the Bolsheviks, the socialist revolutionaries turned into their allies. This was a major victory for the RCP(b).
The decisions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on November 30, 1918 on the legalization of the Menshevik Party and on February 25, 1919 on the legalization of the Socialist Revolutionaries served as a serious impetus for the development by their leaders of a positive program of action in the changed conditions to reach an agreement with the Bolsheviks. Thus, in March 1919, conditions appeared for fruitful cooperation between the socialist parties and the Bolsheviks. An important milestone in strengthening the position of the RCP(b) on the path to a one-party dictatorship was the VIII Congress of the Bolshevik Party and the defeat of the army of A.V. Kolchak, whose offensive began on March 4-6, 1919.
Soviet one-party political system at the end of 1921
At the turn of 1921/22. One of the main features of the Soviet system emerged - a one-party political system. Many historians (E.G. Gimpelson, P.N. Sobolev, L.M. Spirin, M.I. Stishov, R. Pipes, Yu.G. Felshtinsky) who have been and are dealing with the problem of the struggle of the RCP(b) with others political parties give different time frames for the formation of a one-party system in Soviet Russia. One of the major researchers dealing with this problem, E.G. Gimpelson believes that “the turn of 1920-1921 should be considered the moment when the one-party system finally and irrevocably took shape”51. Another Soviet historian, M.I. Stishov concludes that the one-party system “finally took shape in the second half of 1918, i.e. immediately after the break in the bloc with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries...”. M.I.’s point of view Stishov was shared by P.N. Sobolev, who believed that the one-party system emerged “after the defeat of the rebellion of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries”53. The American historian R. Pipes in his book “The Russian Revolution” notes that “The establishment of a one-party state in Russia required many measures... This process in the territory of central Russia was basically completed by the fall of 1918”54. SOUTH. Felyptinsky believes that the one-party system took shape in Soviet Russia in early July 1918, when V.I. Lenin, deciding to use the murder of V. Mirbach, dealt with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. According to Yu.G. Felyntinsky, decision of V.I. Lenin’s attempt to deal with the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries was called upon to “ensure a one-party Bolshevik government,” which was done.”55 Thus, summarizing the positions of leading experts on this issue, we can state that the one-party system, according to Yu.G. Felyptinsky, R. Pipes , P. N. Soboleva, M. I. Stishova, emerged after the break of the Bolshevik bloc with the left Socialist Revolutionaries.E. G. Gimpelson suggests that the formation of a one-party system should be attributed to the turn of 1920-1921, i.e., the time of the end of the civil war.
Taking into account the above points of view, it must be emphasized that many authors determine the time of formation of the one-party system - July 1918, i.e. the time when the Left Socialist Revolutionaries left the government. Most likely, this conclusion will seem premature, since during 1918-1921. non-proletarian parties acted in the political arena as a real political factor, influencing the political process. In our opinion, the one-party political system in Soviet Russia took shape at the end of 1921 due to the following reasons. Firstly, in 1921, representatives of the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties disappeared from the Soviets, the main bodies of power, which became one-party Bolshevist. Secondly, during 1921, following the decisions of the Tenth Congress and its resolution “On Party Unity,” the Cheka authorities developed a plan for eliminating the opposition in the form of parties and movements, which successfully began to be implemented. Thirdly, in 1921, increasing repressions against the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and anarchists led to mass emigration and isolation of members of these parties, which ceased to be mass political organizations.
In the Republic of Soviets by 1922, there was only one organization left that had the right to be called a party - the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). In 1922, the transformation of the RCP(b) into the power structure of Soviet society, the backbone of the administrative-command system, began. Thus, there is every reason to note that in 1921 - early 1922, the Soviet political system took shape and acquired its main features and characteristics. Remains of a multi-party system in the early 20s. were liquidated, the political and state monopoly of the RCP(b) in all spheres of social life was finally established. RCP(b) after the elimination of the multi-party system during 1917-1921. took responsibility for everything that happened in the country. Democratic society was destroyed in four years, from 1918 to 1921. The people supported the Bolsheviks, making a choice and proving that true democracy, which presupposes a multi-party system, is not only impossible in Russia, but also unnecessary. Having completed the study of the process of formation of the one-party political system in Soviet Russia from February 1917 to the autumn of 1921, we can move on to its characteristics at the very beginning of its existence after it took shape at the end of 1921. So, during the formation of the Soviet political system the main features of the Soviet model of communism, the main features of a one-party state with its unique structure, emerged. In 1921, the process of transforming the Bolshevik Party into the main link of the state structure, which began during the years of the civil war and “war communism,” was completed. Since 1922, after the Twelfth Party Conference (August), a ban on all political parties was formalized in Soviet Russia. From that time on, the most significant government decisions began to be made by the Central Committee of the RCP(b), but only after discussion in a close circle of Bolshevik leaders - the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP(b), which in 1921 included G.E. Zinoviev, L.B. Kamenev, V.I. Lenin, I.V. Stalin, L.D. Trotsky. And only after this the solution to the issue was enshrined in the decisions of government bodies. As is known, the role of the Soviets in a multi-party state in 1917 was very high. In fact, during the revolution they were the most important authorities. After the expulsion of members of non-proletarian parties during 1921-22. from the Soviets, the latter ceased to play any significant role in the decision state problems. The main role in governing the state began to belong to the Bolshevik Party. The dominance of the party apparatus was established in the country. In essence, under a one-party system, power belonged to a small group of people who were at the head of the party. The destruction of the political opposition begins in the country not through parliamentary means, but through terror. Freedom of speech and press was abolished. As a result of the destruction of the political opposition, a one-party Soviet political system emerged. From the very beginning of its existence, the Bolshevik Party was a unique phenomenon. Politicians, historians, and philosophers still have to understand this phenomenon. The Bolshevik Party, having become the ruling party in 1917, and after the civil war the only one in the country, turned into a “monopoly party.” The one-party state became a mechanism in which a single party, transformed into a state structure, ruled the country. This is the essence of the Soviet state. At the beginning of the 20s, the Bolshevik Party could no longer be called a party in the primary sense of the word, because the RCP (b) became isolated in its state, having actually dissolved in it, i.e. turning into a "party-state".
- Specialty of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Russian Federation07.00.02
- Number of pages 189
CHAPTER I Reasons and prerequisites for the formation of a one-party political system (February 1917 - January 1918).
§ 1 Political parties and their positions before and during
February bourgeois-democratic revolution.
§ 2 Political parties between February and October 1917
§ 3 Inter-party struggle in Russia in October-December 1917
§ 4 Political parties and the Constituent Assembly.
CHAPTER II Political parties during the civil war.
§ 1 Political parties in 1918
§ 2 Changes in the political situation in Russia during the civil war.
CHAPTER III Completion of the process of forming a one-party political system in 1921
§ 1 Political parties after the end of the civil war.
§ 2 The Soviet one-party political system at the end of 1921
Introduction of the dissertation (part of the abstract) on the topic "Formation of a one-party political system in Soviet Russia: 1917 - 1921."
In a wide range of problems that require attention from modern historical science, a special place belongs to the study of the process of formation of a one-party political system in our country in the period from February 1917 to December 1921. This issue is raised by many historians, political scientists, social scientists, not only in Russia, but also beyond its borders. The relevance of studying this problem has increased in the light of known historical events the last 10-15 years (the August 1991 coup; the collapse of the USSR in December 1991; the departure from the social and political life of the state of the CPSU, which was the leading party in the USSR for 70 years and its revival in a new form represented by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation; the political crisis of the 90s x years, etc.). Reflecting on the fate of Russia at the beginning of the century and at the end of the century, one can see the undeniable similarity of political processes in Soviet Russia in the early 20s and in the 90s. Here we can name the economic, political, social crisis in Russian society during the years of revolution and civil war and in the 90s; many parties that have fought and are fighting for political leadership; a large number of other political forces (movements, organizations) operating in the country, influencing its development. When analyzing the problems listed above, a number of questions arise that do not have clear answers.
The relevance of the chosen topic is determined by the need to revise already known assessments of the historical events of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution. The Great October Socialist Revolution and the Civil War in the context of analyzing the process of formation of a one-party political system; critical analysis available historical literature and sources from modern positions; The relevance of such a study lies in the fact that it should help answer some questions that concern modern researchers, politicians, social scientists and citizens of Russia. What prevented the development of a multi-party system in Russia after the February Revolution of 1917? Why was it curtailed and replaced by the dictatorship of one ruling party in the early 20s? Was there an alternative to establishing the dominance of one political party in Soviet Russia - the RCP(b)? The content of the dissertation attempts to answer these pressing questions of the modern history of the Russian state.
Chronological framework the research covers the period from February 1917 to the end of 1921. This is understandable. It was during the February bourgeois-democratic revolution. The Great October Socialist Revolution, the Civil War, and in the first months of the New Economic Policy, the process of forming a one-party political system in our country took place. After the October armed uprising, the formed Soviet government - the Council of People's Commissars - became one-party, but in December 1917, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries joined the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), thus forming a two-party government. During the years of the civil war (May 1918 - November 1920), a one-party political system took shape in the country. The Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties, which went over to the side of the counter-revolutionary forces, lost the support of the people and found themselves in 1920-1921. in a deep crisis, which led them to political bankruptcy and subsequent collapse. During the Civil War, the Bolshevik Party, which stood at the head of the fight against internal counter-revolution, was the guarantor of the integrity of society and its progressive development, the guarantor of a way out of the economic and political crisis that gripped Russian society after 1917. At the end of 1920 - beginning of 1921, representatives of the Menshevik parties and the Socialist Revolutionaries disappear from the Soviets, the members of these parties are isolated and their mass emigration occurs. At the end of 1921, the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties ceased to be mass political organizations. In the Republic of Soviets, by the end of 1921, there was only one organization left that had the right to be called a party - the Russian 4. There was one organization that had the right to be called a party - the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, anarchists continued to exist in Soviet Russia after 1921, however, the absence of their representatives in the Government and Soviets after 1921 allows us to conclude that the political system became one-party. The period directly related to the final departure of the parties of the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Anarchists, and Cadets from the political life of Soviet Russia is not studied, since, in our opinion, it is the subject of independent scientific research.
The dissertation is based on a wide source base. The author attracted and introduced into scientific circulation documents previously unpublished, located in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI): funds of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party (f. 274, f. 564), fund of the Central Committee of the Menshevik Party (f. 275 ), fund of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) (f. 17). Important material is contained in the fund of the State Archive of the Russian Federation (G ARF), in particular in the fund of the All-Russian Democratic Conference of September 14-22, 1917 (f. 1798). Published documents of political parties and materials of party congresses were widely used: Constitutional Democratic Party. VII Congress. Verbatim minutes of the meeting (Pg., 1917), IX Congress of the People's Freedom Party. Verbatim report (Pg., 1917), III Congress of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. May 25 - June 4, 1917 (M., 1917), First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (M., 1930), Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (M.-L., 1928).
The Fund of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party RGASPI (f. 274) contains materials from the minutes of the meetings of the Socialist Revolutionary faction of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies from July 12, 1917 to May 18, 1918. Material that is important for the development of the topic is drawn from it. Fund 564 RGASPI contains documents of the IV Congress of the Left Socialist Revolutionary Party, as well as material adopted at meetings of the Central Committee of the Left Socialist Revolutionary Party in November-December 1918. The author used documents from the fund of the Central Committee of the Menshevik Party, stored in RGASPI (f. 275). The materials of the Menshevik funds were analyzed (f. 275): Report by L.A. Martov “The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Democracy” at the party meeting at the Central Committee of the RSDLP on March 12-13, 1920 (f. 275) and the report of F.I. Dana "O" the current moment and the tasks of the party at the April meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (Mensheviks)" April 16, 1920 (f. 275).
The materials of the Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of the Voronezh Region (CDNI VO) were analyzed: correspondence with provincial organizations of the parties of the left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists about the composition and activities (f. 1), correspondence with the Central Committee of the RCP (b) about the prohibition of holding a congress of left Socialist Revolutionaries in Voronezh. January 31 - September 14, 1920 (f. 1). The author believes that the involvement and introduction into scientific circulation of the above-mentioned archival sources is quite justified in the work on the issue under study.
Special meaning in understanding the political situation in Russia in September-October 1917, have the resolutions of the meetings of the Bolshevik Party, adopted at conferences and party congresses, since they reveal the essence of the main issues and tasks facing the party, as well as the first decrees of Soviet power. One of the significant places among them are occupied by the “Decree on Peace” and “Decree on Land”, reflecting the main directions of the domestic and foreign policy of the new state of the Soviets.
Party program documents occupy an important place among the sources. For example, the program of the RSDLP(b), developed in the fall of 1917, in its main features met the expectations of people tired of war, hunger, and devastation. Documents of the Bolshevik Party during the revolution yes" Minutes of meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) of September 21 and 23, 1917: on the Democratic Conference, on the Pre-Parliament, on Zinoviev, on the party meeting, on the list of candidates of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) for the Constituent Assembly. RGASPI F. 17. Inventory 1. D. 27. 14 pages; Minutes of meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) dated September 15, 1917 on the issue of V. I. Lenin’s letters “The Bolsheviks must take power!” and “Marxism and uprising". RGASPI. F. 17. Op. 1a. D. 25. 14 pages. This is the key to understanding its popularity in 1917, to revealing the reasons for this popularity.
Of course, documents of other political parties are of interest, such as, for example, the program document of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, adopted by the Fourth Congress of the AKP (November 26 - December 5, 1917) and enshrined in the report of the Fourth Congress, as well as the works of Menshevik leaders, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Cadets, anarchists, such as the program of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party developed by V. M. Chernov, the program document of P. N. Milyukov, the leader of the Cadet Party L.
The progress of the formation of a one-party state in Russia can be traced from the documents of the Bolshevik, Menshevik, and Socialist Revolutionary parties of 1917-1920. So, for understanding the political situation in Russia after the February Revolution, the resolutions of the leading Russian party - the Cadets, adopted in March 1917 - are of certain importance. The fact that the Cadets
II "-" II "-" became the government party, that they went to the left, is proven by the documents of the VII Congress of the Cadet Party, held on March 25-28"*.
Of particular importance are the materials of the IX Congress of the Cadet Party (July 23-28, 1917), where they broke with the socialists, when the Cadets did not accept a compromise with those for whom “the international and class are dearer than the homeland and the nation.”l.
Of interest are the documents of the leading socialist party, the Socialist Revolutionaries, dating back to the spring-summer of 1917. Here it is necessary to turn to the documents of the Third Congress of the Socialist Revolutionaries, which took place on May 25 - June 4, 1917 gL l A brief report on the work of the Fourth Congress of the Social Revolutionary Party. November 26 - December 5, 1917 - Pg., 1918. - P. 9-12, 14-35, 40-45, 50, etc. l Milyukov P.N. Memories. - M., 1991. - T. 1. - 445 p.; Milyukov P.N. History of the second Russian revolution. - Kyiv, 1919; Chernov V.M. Before the storm. - M., 1993. - 408 p.
Constitutional Democratic Party. VII Congress. Verbatim minutes of the meeting. - Pg., 1917. - P. 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 26, etc. l IX Congress of the People's Freedom Party. Verbatim report. - Pg., 1917. - P. 27. l 3rd Congress of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. May 25 - June 4, 1917 - M., 1917. - P.5, 7, 16, 25, 27, 30, 45, 86, 94, 112.
An important source on the problem under consideration are the materials of the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, held in June 1917, when the idea of a coalition of a socialist party and the priority of “nationwide tasks” was voiced by L.
Among the sources, it should be noted the materials of the State Conference on August 12-14, 1917, where an attempt was made to defend the course of the coalition government of A.F. Kerensky, as well as the protocols of the unification congress of the Mensheviks, which took place on August 19-25, 1917 in Petrograd.
Analyzing the source base on this problem, it is necessary to point out the decisions of the All-Russian Democratic Conference on September 14-22, 1917, which aimed at the formation of the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic, which was done.
Of course, the decrees of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets on October 25-26, 1917, which approved the composition of the first Soviet government, where it was announced that power would be transferred to the hands of the Soviets, are of great importance for revealing the topic of the work."
The breakdown of democratic traditions, the curtailment of the multi-party system, the withdrawal of parties from social and political life, the replacement of old government personnel with new ones, all this can be clearly seen in the documents that will be discussed below. One of the first things to note here is pain.
12 Shevite Decree on Press (November 1917), when, at the behest of the Bolsheviks, the newspapers “Our Common Cause” were closed and editor V. Burtsev was arrested; behind
First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. T. 1. - P. 5467, 89-95, etc. l State meeting. - M.-L., 1930. - P. 24. l Uniting Congress of the RSDLP August 19-25, 1917. Verbatim report // Mensheviks in 1917. T. 2. - pp. 336-337. ll All-Russian Democratic Conference September 14-22, 1917 GARF. F. 1798. Op. 1. D. 1-4. L. 4-7.42.
Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. - M.-L.: Gosizdat, 1928.-S. 107, 162.
Decrees of the Soviet government. T. 1. - M., 1958. - 626 p. 8 Menshevik and cadet newspapers are covered. The Decree on the Press formed the basis for the destruction of freedom of the press in Russia.
1917, giving brief description political situation in St. Petersburg and Moscow at the end of 1917""*.
Subsequent decrees of the Bolsheviks 1918-1920. clearly demonstrate how representatives of other parties were expelled from government bodies and old government bodies were destroyed. The first in this series is the Decree on the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly on January 7, 1918. How the Bolsheviks fought with other political parties on the issue of the Constituent Assembly can be seen from the documents of December 1917. Among them, the minutes of the meetings of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party on December 26 and 27, 1917 are of particular interest. The meetings of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party on December 26 and 27, 1917 were devoted to the issue of attitude towards the Constituent Assembly. The following decisions were made at them: to launch agitation for the Constituent Assembly on the eve of its opening; organize rallies and demonstrations on January 5. Documents of the Socialist Revolutionary Party of the end of 1917 - the beginning
1918 allow us to trace the course and dynamics of the development of internal party discussions of this time on the issue of attitude towards the Constituent Assembly and the Bolsheviks.
An important place among the historical sources considered on the issue of the formation of a one-party system in Soviet Russia are the decrees of 1918, which clearly demonstrate the methods by which the Bolsheviks fought with representatives of other parties in government. For example, Dec
Decrees of the Soviet government. T. 1. - M., 1958. - 626 p. ll News of the Petrograd Cheka. - Pg., 1917. - P. 2-9, 9-11, 11-17, etc.
Minutes of meetings of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. RGASPI. F. 274. Op. 1. D. 1. L. 1-2, 4-6, etc. June 14, 1918 marked the beginning of the departure of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries from the Soviets and the Supreme Economic Council.
The first act that contained a platform for uniting the forces fighting against Soviet power was the “Political Declaration”, developed in December 1917 by members of the “Don Civil Council” in Novocherkassk and, according to General A.I. Denikin, who intended to become the “first Russian anti-Bolshevik government” l. This document marked the official beginning of the confrontation of non-proletarian parties with the Bolsheviks by force.
During the years of the Civil War, printed organs of various parties began to appear, representing important source materials on the issue under consideration. Here it is worth noting the collection “Socialist-Revolutionary”, the main printed organ of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, materials of the VIII Council of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, located in the RGASPI.
Of interest in the study of the problem is the Menshevik program developed by V.A. Groman and L.N. Khinchuk at the end of 1918 - beginning of 1919. This program attempted to develop positive reforms, the social meaning of which was to strengthen the political power of the working people, and the political meaning of which was to create a union of all socialist parties on the basis of compromise.
Among the program documents of the Russian Social Democratic parties, it seems important to note the program “What is to be done?”, which aimed to ensure the normal development of the revolution and radically change “the political conditions in which we live.”ll.
Decrees of the Soviet government. - M,: Gospolitizdat, 1958. - 626 p.
Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. - M., 1991. - P. 189.
Minutes of resolutions of meetings of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, correspondence of the faction of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. RGASPI. F. 274. Op. 1. D. 1. L. 6-12.
Defense of the revolution and social democracy. - M.-L., 1920. - P. 3-4, 6-7, 9-12, etc.
Collection of resolutions and theses of the Central Committee of the RSDLP and party meetings. - Kharkov, 1920. - P. 37-39.
Interesting from the point of view of reviewing the relationship of the Bolsheviks with the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks at the beginning of 1920 are the materials of two meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP in March and April 1920, where the fact was stated that the dictatorship of the proletariat was replaced by the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party, and theses addressed to all were adopted socialist parties, as a basis for unification.
Significant sources on this issue are the materials of the Eighth. All-Russian Congress of Soviets, held at the end of December 1920. The verbatim report of the Eighth Congress of Soviets gives an idea of the last attempt of non-proletarian parties to revive multi-party system in Soviet Russia^.
Among the materials on history October revolution and the Civil War, the documents of the Cheka of 1918-1920 stand apart. First of all, it should be noted printed organs widely published in large cities, such as “Moscow Izvestia of the Cheka”, “Tsaritsyn Izvestia of the Cheka”, which give some figures on the number of exterminated members of other parties. These and other documents indicate new methods of the Bolsheviks’ struggle against political opponents: terror, expulsion, physical destruction of dissidents.
A special place among historical sources of 1920-1921. occupy
U 1 U and 1 gr materials of party conferences, decisions of party forums. So, of course, of interest is the plan developed in June 1921 for the elimination of political opposition in the person of parties and movements, which was later reflected in the resolution of the XII All-Union Party Conference (August 1922) - “On anti-Soviet parties and movements”, which follows
Protocols, resolutions, abstracts of reports and the report of L. Martov “Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Democracy” at the party meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (Mensheviks) on March 12-13, 1920. RGASPI. F. 275. Op. 1. D. 69. L. 6-8, 12, 13-15, etc.
Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Verbatim report. - M., 1921. -S. 41-43, 197-201, 202-203.
Tsaritsyn Izv. C.I.K. - 1921. - No. 5; Tsaritsyn Izv. Ch.K. - 1921. - No. 1.
11 go into more detail.
The resolution “On Anti-Soviet Parties and Currents,” adopted in early August 1922, was a document aimed at strengthening the struggle in the new conditions against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties and movements. It said that anti-Soviet parties and movements “are trying to use Soviet legality in their counter-revolutionary interests.”
II II ^ sakh and are heading towards growing into the Soviet regime, which they hope to change in the spirit of bourgeois democracy. After the approval of this resolution in August 1922, the open suppression of the opposition in the person of the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and anarchists began. After the XII All-Russian Party Conference, representatives of other political parties began to be expelled abroad, arrests of party members began, and subsequent repressions began against prominent leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, and anarchists. With the adoption on August 7, 1922 of the resolution “On anti-Soviet parties and movements” in Soviet Russia, the history of the legal existence of political parties, except for the ruling one - the RCP (b), ends.
The decisions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, adopted between August 22 and September 9, 1922 on the registration of societies and unions, according to which any association was subject to ban if its activities contradicted the Constitution or the laws of the Soviet Republic, provided the legal basis for the ban of all parties except the communist one. The existence of any opposition to the ruling party was completely excluded.
The works of political party leaders V.I. are of great interest and well-known importance. Lenina, G.V. Plekhanov, V.M. Chernova, P.P. Milyukova; archival documents and materials of the early 20s. In work on this topic, circular letters of 1917-1919, resolutions of congresses of various political parties, as well as materials from
CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums of the Central Committee. Part 1, ed. 9. T. 2.- M., 1983.-S. 587.
Ibid.-S. 588. secret conferenceill.
The works of V.I. have a certain significance in the study of the political situation in Russia from February to October 1917. Lenin "Letters from Afar", "On Dual Power", "Three Crises", "Marxism and Rebellion", "The Crisis is Overdue". A special place in this series is occupied by the articles “The Bolsheviks must
OT to take power" and "Marxism and uprising", where the leader of the Bolsheviks named the main reasons for the need for the party to come to power.
The degree of knowledge of the problem. Starting to analyze the development of this problem within the framework of domestic and foreign historiography, we can distinguish four stages in studying the problem:
The problem of the struggle of political parties and movements in Russia in 1917-1921. for the various paths of development of the revolution received coverage in the scientific literature in the 20s - 50s. Among the first authors who turned to the study of this problem were M.N. Pokrovsky, M.Ya. Latsis, I.I. Vardinll. Let us highlight the work of I.I. Vardin "Political Parties and the Russian Revolution" (Moscow, 1922), which marked the beginning of a detailed study of the activities of political parties. In the 20s Only the emerging Soviet historiography of the history of the struggle of political parties during the Great October Socialist Revolution and the Civil War is becoming one of the means of ideological opposition to the bourgeois historiography of historical
Constitutional Democratic Party. VII Congress. Verbatim minutes of meetings. Pg., 1917. - S. 2, 9, 16, 17, 22, 30, 46; Resolutions of the VIII Congress of the People's Freedom Party on May 9-12, 1917 Petrograd, 1917. - pp. 3, 7, 9, 16, 22, 25, 27; Draft resolutions and resolutions of the Uniting Congress of the Mensheviks on January 19-26, 1917. Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI). F. 275. Op. 1. D. 40. 21 sheets; Collection of documents "Issues of program and tactics". RGASPI. F. 275. Op. 1. D. 40. 21 sheets; Collection of documents "Issues of program and tactics". Resolutions of the Central Committee of the RSDLP. RGASPI. F. 275. Op. 1. D. 74. 56 sheets; Minutes of meetings of the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party November 2 - December 15, 1917 RGASPI. F. 564. Op. 1. D. 7. 174 l. Lenin V.I. Poly. collection op. - T-34. - P.239-247.
Pokrovsky M.N. The Soviet chapter of our history // Bolshevik. - 1924. - No. 14. -S. 2-26; Latsis M.Ya. Two years of struggle on the internal front. - M., 1920; Vardin I.I. Political parties and the Russian Revolution. - M., 1922.
13 political parties. EAT. Yaroslavsky, M.N. Pokrovsky, V.A. Byst-ryansky in their works revealed the inconsistency and anti-Soviet orientation of the works of I.G. Tsereteli, P.N. Miliukov, defending the Leninist concept of the history of socialist revolution. In general, the struggle of political parties for various ways of developing the revolution in the 1920s was considered within the framework of the struggle of the Bolshevik Party against the counter-revolution. Period 30-50 became a time of studying the history of the Great October Socialist Revolution and the Civil War from a completely different perspective than in the 20s, which was associated with the publication of the book “History of the CPSU (b). Short course"(M., 1938), strictly edited by I.V. Stalin. Subjectivism in historical science of the late 30s - early 50s had a negative impact on research work scientists of this period.
The first serious studies on the history of the activities of political parties in Russia appeared in the late 50s - early 60s. The founder in the field of studying the history of parties in Russia was N.F. Slavin, who in the late 50s - early 60s. published several articles on the history of the main political opponent of the Bolsheviks - the Kadetovll Party. In the late 50s - early 60s. The first doctoral dissertation of A.M. appeared in the USSR. Malkov, dedicated to the problems of the history of political parties." In the mid-60s, the first monograph by V.V. Komin, "Bankruptcy of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties of Russia during the preparation and victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution" was published.
History of the CPSU(b). Volume 4. Ed. EAT. Yaroslavsky. - M.-L., 1929; Pokrovsky M.N. The Soviet chapter of our history // Bolshevik. - 1924. - No. 14; Bystryansky V.A. Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries in the Russian Revolution. - Pg., 1921. l ° Slavin N.F. From the history of the July political crisis of 1917 // History of the USSR. - 1957. - No. 2. - P. 10-18; aka. The crisis of power in September 1917 and the formation of the Provisional Council of the Republic (Pre-Parliament) // Historical Notes. - 1957. - No. 61.
Malkov A.M. The defeat of the Kadet counter-revolution by the Bolsheviks in 1917 (February-October). Dr. diss. -M., 1959.
M., 1965), dedicated to the history of the political bankruptcy of the Cadets, Mensheviks, and Socialist Revolutionaries in 1917. Soviet historians in the 50s - early 60s. conducted a certain scientific study of the history of the political struggle of parties during the Great October Socialist Revolution and citizens
U U U TL 1-1 U of the war and their role in the political life of Russia. New factual material was introduced into scientific circulation. To the fore in the early 60s. the task of a comprehensive study of the struggle of the Bolsheviks against the counter-revolution in the person of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties is put forward. This problem was solved to a certain extent in the second half of the 60s - the first half of the 70s;
The problem of the formation of a one-party state was addressed by Soviet researchers in the second half of the 60s - the first half of the 70s. and was considered in the monograph by Kh.M. Astrakhan “Bolsheviks and their political opponents in 1917” (L., 1977), L.M. Spirin “The collapse of the landowner and bourgeois parties in Russia (beginning of the 20th century - 1920)” (Moscow, 1977) and “Classes and parties in the civil war in Russia (1917-1920)” (Moscow, 1968), V.V. Komin “History of landowner, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois political parties in Russia” (Kalinin, 1970), A.M. Malashko “On the issue of establishing a one-party system in the USSR” (Minsk, 1969); In the 60s - early 70s. saw the light of the monograph by K.V. Gusev “The Collapse of Petty-Bourgeois Parties in the USSR” (Moscow, 1966) and “The History of the “Democratic Counter-Revolution” in Russia” (Moscow, 1973). Serious voluminous works by Professor V.V. have appeared. Komin “Bankruptcy of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties of Russia during the preparation and victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution” (Moscow, 1965) and “The history of landowners, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois political parties in Russia” (Kalinin, 1970). In the first half of the 70s. in the Soviet Union the works of K.V. were published. Gusev “The Socialist Revolutionary Party: from petty-bourgeois revolutionism to counter-revolution (M., 1975), monographs by V.V. Garmiza about the Socialist Revolutionaries, articles by Kh.M. Astrakhan, P.A. Golub and other authors. These articles and monographs are distinguished by an abundance of facts and documents on the history of political parties, at the same time, an ideological approach to the history of the revolution does not make it possible to objectively approach the solution of pressing problems in the history of the revolution and civil war;
In the second half of the 70s - early 80s. serious studies have been published on the activities of the RCP(b) and other political parties: monograph by I.A. Adamova “Issues of internal party life of the RSDLP (b) in the first years of the proletarian revolution” (Moscow, 1982); research by K.V. Gusev and V.A. Polushkina “Strategy and tactics of the Bolsheviks in relation to non-proletarian parties” (Moscow, 1983); as well as research by V.V. Shelokhaeva, S.N. Ka-neva, M.E. Solovyova, P.A. Podbolotova, M.T. Likhacheva, E.Ya. Andreenko and othersL"*; in the second half of the 70s - early 80s, a series of publications appeared on the history of political parties in Soviet Russia. At this time, such prominent specialists as L.M. Spirin, K.V. Gusev continued their research , I.A. Adamova. In addition to these monographs, the works of Kh. M. Astrakhan “Bolsheviks and their political opponents in 1917” (L., 1977), V.V. Anikeev “Documents of the Great October Revolution” (M., 1977), M.I. Stishova “History of the ideological and political bankruptcy and organizational collapse of petty-bourgeois parties in the USSR (1917-1930s) (M., 1981), collective collections “The Struggle of the CPSU against the petty-bourgeois.
GarmizaV.V. The collapse of the Socialist Revolutionary governments. - M., 1970.
Astrakhan H.M. History of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties in Russia in 1917 in the latest Soviet literature // Questions of history. - 1975. - No. 2; Golub P.A. On the bloc of Bolsheviks with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries during the preparation and victory of October // Questions of the history of the CPSU - 1971.- No. 9.
Adamova I.A. Issues of internal party life of the RSDLP (b) - CPSU (b) in the first years of the proletarian revolution. - M., 1982; The collapse of the landowner and bourgeois parties in Russia. - M., 1977; Gusev K.V. The Socialist Revolutionary Party from petty-bourgeois revolutionism to counter-revolution. - M., 1975; Kanev S.N. The party's struggle against anarcho-syndicalist deviation. -M., 1979; Podbolotov P.A. The collapse of the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik counter-revolution. - M., 1975; Likhachev M.T. The bankruptcy of bourgeois reformism in Russia. - M., 1979; Dumo-va N.G. Cadet counter-revolution and its defeat. - M., 1982. bourgeois ideology and anti-party movements (1896-1932)" (Kalinin, 1979), "The struggle of the Lenin Party against petty-bourgeois groups and movements (1896-1932)" (M., 1981).
In the first half of the 80s, the problem of forming a political system in Soviet Russia during the years of revolution and civil war was dealt with by I.A. Adamova, K.V. Gusev, V.A. Polushkina, M.E. Soloviev, Yu.A. Shchetinov, A.I. Shmelev, Yu.V. Mukhachevll In 1983-1984. The work of Yu.V. was published in the USSR. Mukhacheva “The Struggle of the Communist Party against the Ideology of Bourgeois Restorationism” (Moscow, 1983), monograph by Yu.A. Shchetinova “The Collapse of the Petty-Bourgeois Counter-Revolution in Soviet Russia (late 1920-1921)” (Moscow, 1984), book by A.I. Shmelev “Historical Experience of the Leninist Party’s Struggle against Trotskyism for the Building of Socialism in the USSR (1923-1927) .)" (L., 1984), in which the authors reveal the reasons for the victory of the RCP (b) in its struggle with non-proletarian parties, as well as the course of this struggle;
The topic of the formation of a one-party political system aroused particular interest among historians in the second half of the 80s - 90s, when a number of scientific articles and monographs were published in Russia, both by domestic authors and Western researchers, dedicated to the history of political parties in the Soviet Union. Russia during the formation of the one-party system. Among the most famous are the works of A.Ya. Avrekha "Non-proletarian parties of Russia in three Russian revolutions"(M., 1989), N.V. Orlova "Political parties of Russia: pages of history" (M., 1994), articles by N.V. Romanovsky, V.M. Ustinov, A. Rabinovich and other historians. In the articles and monographs published in the second half of the 90s, is carried out
Adamova I.A. Issues of internal party life of the RSDLP (b) - CPSU (b) in the first years of the proletarian revolution. - M., 1982; Gusev K.V., Polushkina V.A. Bolshevik strategy and tactics in relation to non-proletarian parties. - M., 1983; Soloviev M.E. Bolsheviks and the February Revolution. - M., 1980; Shchetinov Yu.A. The collapse of the petty-bourgeois counter-revolution in Soviet Russia (late 1920-1921) - M., 1984; Shmelev A.I. The historical experience of the struggle of the Leninist party against Trotskyism for the construction of socialism in the USSR (1923-1927) - L., 1984. a study of complex theoretical issues of the relationship between political parties in the period from 1917 to 1922-23, an assessment of the ruling party of the Soviet Union is given - RCP(b) - CPSU(b) - CPSU.
The mid-80s marked the beginning of a new stage in the study of the history of political parties in connection with changes in Soviet society, the beginning of perestroika, and glasnost. At this time, collective scientific collections on this issue were published, “Non-proletarian parties of Russia. Lessons from history” (Moscow, 1984); "Bolsheviks in the fight against non-proletarian parties, groups and movements. Conference materials" (Moscow, 1984). A monograph by Yu.G. is published abroad. Felshtinsky "Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries: October 1917 - July 1918. On the way to a one-party dictatorship." (Paris, 1985). These works examine the position of non-proletarian parties in Russia during the revolution and civil war, and also analyze the strategy and tactics of the ruling Bolshevik party in relation to other political parties, the main reasons for the popularity of the Bolsheviks in 1917 and in subsequent years.
At the end of the 80s, a whole series of scientific monographs about political parties in Russia at the beginning of the century was published in the USSR. Collective works "Political parties in Russia. Pages of history" (M., 1990), "Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd" (M., 1989), monographs by N.G. Dumova about the Cadet Party "The Cadet Party during the First World War and the February Revolution" (M., 1988) and "Your time is over." (M., 1990), A. Rabinovich’s book “The Bolsheviks Come to Power” (M., 1989), monographs by P. A. Podbolotov on the MensheviksLL, A.Ya. Avrekha “Non-proletarian parties of Russia in three Russian revolutions” (M., 1989), B.N. Yuzbashev's "Parties in bourgeois legal doctrines" (Moscow, 1990) give a new interpretation of events in Russia during the years of the revolution and civil war; in them, the authors make an attempt to more objectively reflect the activities of various political parties in 1917-1921. Singing
Podbolotov P.A., Spirin L.M. The collapse of Menshevism in Soviet Russia. - D., 1988.
18 curled in the second half of the 80s. new approaches to the study of the activities of the Communist Party and non-proletarian parties were associated with those political processes that began at the April 1985 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. Perestroika required fundamentally new decisions in the study of the history of our state, in the study of the formation of a multi-party system, its heyday in 1917, its subsequent collapse and replacement by a one-party political system that lasted 70 years.
At the turn of the 80s - 90s. in the USSR and abroad, a number of publications appear on the issue of the formation, development and collapse of a multi-party system and the establishment of a one-party system; This is the research of A.Ya. Avreha, B.V. Levina, N.V. Romanovsky, V.M. Ustinova, Yu.P. Sharapov, which have a completely different character and meaning than previous works on this topic. Based on materials from party archives in Moscow and St. Petersburg, these historians approach the problem of the history of political parties in Soviet Russia in a fundamentally different way than their predecessors.
At the turn of two decades, the work of leaders of other political parties saw the light of day. P. N. Milyukov, leader of the cadets; V. M. Chernov, leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries; G.V. Plekhanov, I.G. Tsereteli, leaders of the Menshevik party. Memoirs of the leaders of non-proletarian parties allow us to better understand the political situation in Russia during the revolution and civil war.
Beginning and first half of the 90s. noted by a number of studies on the history of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War. Here it makes sense to name the three-volume work of the historian Richard Pipes, who examined Yu.P. Sharapov in mono. From the history of the ideological struggle during the transition to the NEP. - M., 1990; Avrekh A.Ya. Non-proletarian parties in three Russian revolutions. - M., 1989; Romanovsky N.V., Levin B.V. Classes and political parties during the October Revolution // Questions of the history of the CPSU. - 1990. - No. 11. - P. 134-147; Ustinov V.M. The warring party // Questions of the history of the CPSU. - 1990. - No. 1. - P. 82-97.
Tsereteli I.G. Crisis of power. - M., 1992; Milyukov P.N. Memories. - M., 1991; Chernov V.M. Before the storm. - M., 1993; Plekhanov G.V. Buki, Azg-Ba // Dialogue, - 1990. - No. P.-S. 30. Counts "Russian Revolution" (in two volumes) and "Russia under the Bolsheviks" l examines one of the most dramatic pages of Russian history - the period from 1917 to 1924. The American researcher outlines the events of the revolution, civil war and NEP, shows the role of political parties, the role of the people in these events. R. Pipes's first work, "Russian Revolution" (Moscow, 1994), gives an idea of the causes, objectives, driving forces and results of the February and Great October Socialist Revolutions. The second monograph, “Russia under the Bolsheviks” (Moscow, 1997), presents the historical events of the civil war and post-war years. R. Pipes analyzes the course of formation of the one-party system, explores the influence of the one-party system that emerged after the war on the further course of the political development of the USSR, but in principle, the work on the Russian revolution is subjective in nature, and not all of the author’s provisions can be agreed with.
In the first half of the 90s. works of domestic authors about political parties have been published. Among the most significant are the monographs of V.A. Artemova and V.A. Tonkikh "Political Parties" (M., 1992), N.V. Orlova "Political parties of Russia: pages of history" (M., 1994), A.B. Medvedev “Neo-populism and Bolshevism in Russia during the Civil War” (Nizhny Novgorod, 1993), N. Valentinova “NEP and the crisis of the party. Memoirs” (New York, 1991). Collective works "History of political parties in Russia" (M., 1994), "Political parties in Russia. Pages of history" (M., 1990), "Political parties of Russia" (Bryansk, 1993), "Political history of Russia in parties and faces" (M., 1993), "February, October, NEP" (Voronezh, 1992), "Civil War in Russia: a crossroads of opinions" (M., 1994), "Anatomy of a revolution: 1917 in Russia: masses, parties , power" (St. Petersburg, 1994) reveal the complex and dynamic process of historical events of revolution and civil war, the role of political parties in these events.
Pipes Richard. Russian Revolution, - M., 1994; Pipes Richard. Russia under the Bolsheviks. - M., 1997.
Of course, there is a certain interest for researchers of the activities of political parties in 1917-1921. present materials from scientific and practical conferences dedicated to the period of revolution, civil war, and NEP. Here it is worth noting the materials of the scientific-practical conference on November 5, 1994 “October 1917 and the Bolshevik experiment in Russia”, December 5, 1994 “Bolsheviks and non-proletarian parties”, which examined the problems of the emergence of the Soviet system, the main mechanisms of the existence of the Bolshevik party, the reasons the success of the Bolsheviks in 1917, the stages of the formation of a one-party state.
In the second half of the 90s. documents of the Cadets and Socialist Revolutionary parties were published. It is worth mentioning here those released in 1996-97. “Protocols of foreign groups of the constitutional-democratic party” (in 6 vols.), “Protocols of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party” (in 6 vols.) “”°, which present almost all the documents of the Socialist-Revolutionary and Kadet parties from their inception to the last days of their existence. At the end of the 90s. a review monograph “Political Parties of Russia. The end of the 19th - the first third of the 20th century” (Moscow, 1996), a collective work “History of Political Thought” (Moscow, 1997), which presents key issues in the history of political parties in Russia in the first two decades of the twentieth century, was published .
Analyzing the works of major Soviet, Russian and Western historians on the issue of the formation of a one-party system in the Soviet state, it should be noted that they are to a certain extent a product of their time, which always leaves its mark on the name, in particular, historical, and, of course, on the development history of non-proletarian parties and the struggle of the Bolsheviks against them. All works were written in the period before 1985, and were published in the second half of the 80s - early 90s, when the criteria increased and approaches to assessing the past changed. It is necessary, therefore , in detail, using available sources and information in special literature
Minutes of foreign groups of the constitutional democratic party in 6 vols. -M., 1996; Protocols of the Socialist Revolutionary Party in 6 vols. - M., 1997.
21 round to approach the consideration of this topical issue of the modern history of Russia, especially since the latest works on the topic of the formation of a one-party system in the Soviet state were published in the 60-70s (works by E.G. Gimpelson, A.M. Malashko, P.N. Sobolev )"*" and at the present time, they can no longer be called relevant and modern. Therefore, the topic of the formation of a one-party system raised in the study requires different approaches, serious revision and detailed analysis in connection with changes in the approach to solving various problems not only in historical science, but also in political science, philosophy and other sciences related to history.
Based on the above provisions, the purpose and objectives of this work are as follows.
The purpose and objectives of the work. The purpose of the dissertation research is to study, on the basis of documents, sources, scientific literature, the reasons and prerequisites, the course and results of the formation of the one-party system in Soviet Russia during the period of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the Civil War, the NEP (February 1917-1921). This goal, in turn, requires the formulation and resolution of the following tasks:
Determination of the reasons and prerequisites for the formation of a one-party political system in 1917;
Study of inter-party struggle in Soviet Russia after the Great October Socialist Revolution;
Analysis of the process of formation of a one-party political system during the civil war (1918-1920);
Study of the final stage of the formation of a one-party political system after the end of the civil war;
Malashko A.M. On the issue of establishing a one-party system in the USSR. -Minsk, 1969; Sobolev P.N. On the issue of the emergence of the one-party system in the USSR // Questions of the history of the CPSU. - 1968. - No. 8. - P. 21-32; Gimpelson E.G. From the history of the formation of the one-party system in the USSR // Questions of the history of the CPSU. -1965. -No. 11. - P. 16-31.
Analysis of the existing political system in Soviet Russia at the end of 1921.
During the study, a hypothesis was formed consisting of the following provisions:
The formation of a one-party political system was a natural phenomenon in the historical conditions of 1917, with the complete destruction of the tsarist system of government that existed before February 1917;
The multi-party political system, the post-February republic, and the multi-party Provisional Government turned out to be incapable of effectively governing a country in crisis and building a new democratic state, which led to its liquidation.
The object of the study was the historical and political process during the years of revolution and civil war in Soviet Russia.
The subject of the study is the struggle of the Bolshevik Party with opposition parties and their subsequent elimination.
The scientific novelty of the research can be formulated in the following theses:
1. First of all, an attempt is made to highlight the course of the formation of a one-party political system in Soviet Russia during the revolution and civil war, outlining the reasons and prerequisites, results and significance of the existing political system for the development of the Soviet state.
2. In the context of serious changes in historical science at the end of the 20th century, using source materials and existing literature, a historical analysis of the phenomenon of the success of the Bolshevik Party during the period under study is carried out.
3. A study of the problem is carried out related to a comparative analysis of the socio-political development of Soviet Russia in 1917-1921. and the internal situation of the country in the late 90s.
4. In general, the issue of the formation of a one-party political system is considered as a natural process in the history of Soviet Russia in the early 20s of the twentieth century.
Theoretical and practical significance of the research:
The theoretical significance lies in the development, based on the data obtained, of a fundamentally new approach to the study of the process of formation of a one-party political system, which was a natural stage in the development of the country during the October Revolution and the Civil War;
Practical significance is determined by the use of the obtained data in further work on studying the history of political parties and movements in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.
Conclusion of the dissertation on the topic "Domestic History", Meganov, Sergei Alexandrovich
In conclusion, it is necessary to draw the main conclusions from this work:
1. Historical analysis of the problem made it possible to interpret the main theories, united by the above problem, that existed in Soviet and then Russian historical science. Critical revision
172 of some provisions that existed in science, allowed us to conclude that the reasons for the creation of a one-party political system should be sought in the socio-economic situation in Russia in 1917, when the country was in a deep economic and political crisis, primarily due to participation in the imperialist war , then the February bourgeois-democratic revolution and the Great October Socialist Revolution. Among the many parties operating in Russia in 1917, only the Bolsheviks succeeded through agitation propaganda, developing a program focused on resolving priority issues (about exit from the war, about peace, about land, about workers’ self-government, etc.), implementing course to gain political power, gain the support of the people and begin reforms in the country. In the conditions of the inability of the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik Provisional Government for eight months (from March to October 1917) to carry out an effective socio-economic policy, the coming to power of the Bolshevik Party on October 26, 1917 was natural and was the implementation of the choice of the people of Russia.
2у-\ 1 and and and and The establishment of a one-party system during the Civil War (1918-1920s) and in the early years of the New Economic Policy required many measures, both constructive and destructive. Basically, this process ended in Soviet Russia in 1921. It was the result of an inter-party struggle, during which the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, having taken the side of the counter-revolution during the civil war, discredited themselves, losing the trust and support of the masses, incorrectly assessing the historical situation and thereby determined their fate: first a deep crisis within the party, and then collapse. The Bolsheviks turned out to be capable of pursuing a flexible policy towards the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and other parties, which resulted in their tactical victory over them at the end of the civil war.
3. The process of forming a one-party system, which was completed mainly in the first years of the New Economic Policy, confirmed the fact that during the period of revolutionary transformations only such revolutionary forces can win and retain political power that choose a strategy and tactics of activity that is supported by the majority of the population, and also who use all means on the way to power. Such a force during the Civil War was the Bolshevik Party, which became the main guarantor of the integrity of society and its progressive development.
4. At present, as in 1917-1921, parties still remain one of the main subjects of the political process in Russia. The possibility of observing democratic procedures in relations between authorities and the Russian multi-party system (elections of 1993, 1995, 1996, 1999) proves that the democratization of Russian socio-political life is a necessary condition, on the basis of which Russians expect to change their lives and determine their future. Let's hope that the Federal Law “On Political Parties” will play a role in solving these problems.
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Definition 1
An important component of the mechanism of power is the party system, which represents the process of development of the political process itself, its formation in dynamics.
Characterizing the specifics of the party system, it can be noted that the process of its formation is influenced by the most various factors. This could be one or another feature. national composition population, the impact of religion or historical traditions, relationships of political forces and much more.
In order to determine the nature of the political system, it is worth paying attention to the degree of real participation of political parties in the life of the state. Important point lies in the fact that the decisive role is always played not by the total number of parties, but by the direction and number of parties actually participating in the life of the country. Based on the above, the following types of party systems can be distinguished:
- one-party;
- bipartisan;
- multi-party.
One-party system of the USSR
Special attention should be paid to the one-party political system. This system is considered non-adversarial. Its name already suggests that it is based on only one party. Such a system leads to the emasculation of the institution of elections, since there is no possibility of an alternative choice. The center for making certain decisions goes entirely to the party leadership. One way or another, but gradually such a system leads to the establishment of a dictatorial regime and total control. An example of states with this type of system is the USSR in the period from 1917 to 1922.
The key event that influenced the emergence of a one-party system in the USSR was the events of February 1917, when the monarchy was replaced by an indecisive and weak provisional government, which was subsequently overthrown by the Social Democratic Party.
The one-party government was headed by V.I. Lenin. The time has come to “eliminate” all non-Bolshevik parties. The first of the conclusions characterizing one-party system Soviet period– the decisive role of violence in the formation of one-party rule. However, there was another approach to the goal - the emigration of party leaders, their separation from the country.
Note 1
It is worth noting that the Bolshevik methods of struggle were not peaceful. Quite often boycotts and obstructions were used: speeches were interrupted, mocking remarks were often heard from the audience, and booing was heard. In cases where it was not possible to achieve victory, the Bolsheviks resorted to forming a similar body in the necessary body, recognizing it as the only legitimate one. There is an opinion that this method of fighting was personally invented by V.I. Lenin.
Stages of approval of the one-party system of the USSR
There are several stages in the approval of a one-party system:
- Establishment of Soviet power. This stage took place in two directions. It is characterized by both the peaceful transfer of control into the hands of the Soviet and a number of resistances by anti-Bolshevik forces.
- Elections of the Constituent Assembly. Following the path of forming a one-party system, unequal conditions were created for liberal parties. Thus, the election results indicate the inevitable development of the country along the socialist path.
- Formation of a coalition government by uniting the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, such an alliance was not destined to last long. Without supporting Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and Bolshevik politics, the Socialist Revolutionaries left the coalition union, which led to their subsequent expulsion from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
- The process of redistribution of powers becomes obvious; the power of the councils is transferred to party committees, as well as emergency authorities. The stage of the final banning of all democratic parties is coming. There is only one party left - the Bolshevik.
Figure 1. The formation of the one-party system of the USSR. Author24 - online exchange of student works
1923 is characterized by the collapse of the Menshevik Party. The political opposition ceases to exist outside the Bolshevik Party. A one-party political system is finally established in the country. Undivided power passes into the hands of the RCP(b). By this time, as noted above, the transition of small parties, especially those that did not have any political perspective, had long ended. They came in full force under the leadership of the main party. Individuals did the same.
Results of the one-party system of the USSR
The one-party system of the USSR greatly simplified all the problems of political leadership. It was reduced to administration. At the same time, it predetermined the degradation of the party, which knew no rivals. The entire repressive state apparatus and influence on the people through the media were presented at its service. The created all-pervasive vertical carried out its activities exclusively in unilaterally towards the public without accepting any feedback.
Development occurred due to the contradictions characteristic of political parties in general, but in our country they had a specific form, dictated by the one-party system. Thanks to the party system, it became obvious that our society is not capable of development under conditions of monopoly power. In order for a party to gain the necessary strength, and at the same time maintain it, to develop in line with a free commonwealth, the unity of which is based on the unity of not only beliefs, but also actions, it is necessary to have the possibility of free competition of doctrines, strategies, struggle of party representatives in front of by voters.
Today the political system of Russia is multi-party.
Within six months in Germany, the Nazis established a one-party dictatorship of the Nazi Party. At the first stage, the Nazis, with the support of conservatives, carried out the forcible liquidation of left-wing parties. The activities of the German Communist Party were not formally prohibited. However, from February 28, 1933, it became illegal. The Social Democratic Party was banned in June 1933. Then, at the end of June - beginning of July 1933, under pressure from the Nazis, the remaining political parties - liberals, the Catholic Center Party, conservative nationalists - announced their self-dissolution.
On July 14, 1933, the Reichstag adopted a law “against the formation” of new parties.” He declared the National Socialist Party to be the only legal political party, and participation in any other political parties a criminal offense.
In May 1933, the Nazis crushed the trade unions. Trade union buildings were seized by stormtroopers. Their leaders were arrested. Trade union property was confiscated. Instead of independent trade unions, the Nazis created the German Labor Front.
In November 1933, new elections to the Reichstag were held. At them, the overwhelming majority of voters (92%) voted for the only list of candidates from the Nazi Party - the Fuhrer's list. On December 1, 1933, the new Nazi Reichstag adopted the law “On ensuring the unity of the party and the state.” He declared the National Socialist Party “the bearer of state thought and inextricably linked with the state.” The party was declared not to be the bearer of state power, but only of the “state idea”, that is, the party did not receive any power functions under this law.
Law on the Supreme Head of the German Empire of August 1, 1934
After the death of the elderly President Hindenburg on August 1, 1934, the government passed the law on the Supreme Head of the German Empire. According to this law, the positions of chancellor and president were combined in the person of the Fuhrer and Reich Chancellor Hitler. The post of president was abolished. His powers passed to Hitler. The rights of head of state were assigned to Hitler for life. At the same time, Hitler, as a monarch, was given the right to appoint a successor. Hitler became supreme commander of the armed forces. Officers and officials took the oath of allegiance in unconditional obedience to Hitler personally.
Due to its special significance, this law was approved by popular vote and thereby acquired the highest constitutional force. This law to give Hitler unlimited power was approved by the overwhelming majority of Germans: 90% or more than 38 million voters voted in favor, only four million two hundred and fifty thousand voted against. The result of the referendum on support for the Fuhrer does not raise any particular doubts about their general more or less correspondence with reality. Hitler's policies thereby received the support of all sections of the Germans. The Third Reich arose through the free expression of mass will.
Lecture No. 7. The state mechanism of the Nazi dictatorship. The essence of a totalitarian political regime