Nikolay Dobryukha
He was shot 60 years ago. But no one still knows where the grave of the bloody People's Commissar is. According to official data, L.P. Beria was arrested on June 26, 1953 in the Kremlin and in the same year on December 23, by a court verdict, he was executed in an underground bunker in the courtyard of the headquarters of the Moscow Military District. However, as archives show, official data from those years too often diverges from reality. Therefore, other versions circulating in the form of rumors also attract attention. Two of them are especially sensational...
The first assumes that Beria somehow managed not to fall into the trap of a conspiracy prepared against him, or even escape from the arrest that had already happened and hide in Latin America, where almost all Nazi criminals fled after 1945. And thus he was able to stay alive for the time being...
The second says that during the arrest of Beria, he and his guards resisted and were killed. They even name the author of the fatal shot, namely Khrushchev... There are those who say that the pre-trial execution took place in the already mentioned bunker almost immediately after the arrest in the Kremlin. And this rumor unexpectedly received confirmation.
In the archives of Old Square, I discovered documents personally endorsed by Khrushchev and Kaganovich. According to them, Beria was liquidated even before the July 1953 Emergency Plenum of the Central Committee, convened on the occasion of exposing the criminal activities of the sinister man in the pince-nez...
Where is he buried? main enemy people?
My colleagues, researchers N. Zenkovich and S. Gribanov, with whom we periodically call each other to exchange information, have collected a number of documented facts about the fate of Beria after the news of his arrest. But especially valuable evidence on this matter was discovered by Hero Soviet Union, scout and former head writers of the USSR Vladimir Karpov. Studying the life of Marshal Zhukov, he put an end to the dispute: did Zhukov participate in the arrest of Beria? The secret, handwritten memoirs of the marshal he found say directly: he not only participated, but also led the capture group. So the statement of Beria’s son Sergo that Zhukov has nothing to do with his father’s arrest is untrue!
The last find turns out to be important also because it refutes the rumor about Nikita Sergeevich’s heroic shot during the detention of the all-powerful Minister of Internal Affairs and State Security.
Zhukov personally did not see what happened after the arrest and therefore wrote what he learned from hearsay, namely: “In the future, I did not take part in the security, nor in the investigation, nor in the trial. After the trial, Beria was shot by the same people who guarded him. During the execution, Beria behaved very poorly, like the very last coward, cried hysterically, knelt down and, finally, soiled himself all over. In a word, he lived disgustingly and died even more disgustingly.” Note: this is what Zhukov was told, but Zhukov himself did not see it...
But here is what, as they say, S. Gribanov managed to find out first-hand from the real author of the bullet for the main enemy of the people, then Colonel General P.F. Batitsky: “We took Beria down the stairs to the dungeon. He smells... Stinks. Then I shot him like a dog.”
Everything would have been fine if other witnesses to the execution, and General Batitsky himself, had said the same thing everywhere. However, inconsistencies could have occurred due to negligence and from the literary fantasies of researchers, one of whom, the son of the revolutionary Antonov-Ovseenko, wrote this: “They executed a man sentenced to death in the bunker of the Moscow Military District headquarters. They took off his tunic, leaving him with a white undershirt, tied his hands with a rope behind him and tied him to a hook driven into wooden shield. This shield protected those present from bullet ricochets. Prosecutor Rudenko read out the verdict. Beria: “Let me tell you...” Rudenko: “You’ve already said everything.” (To the military): “Gag his mouth with a towel.” Moskalenko (to Yuferev): “You are our youngest, you shoot well. Let's". Batitsky: “Comrade Commander, allow me (takes out his “parabellum”). With this thing I sent more than one scoundrel to the next world at the front.” Rudenko: “I ask you to carry out the sentence.” Batitsky raised his hand. A wildly bulging eye flashed above the bandage, the second Beria squinted, Batitsky pulled the trigger, the bullet hit the middle of his forehead. The body hung on the ropes. The execution took place in the presence of Marshal Konev and those military men who arrested and guarded Beria. They called the doctor... All that remained was to confirm the fact of death. Beria’s body was wrapped in canvas and sent to the crematorium.” In conclusion, Antonov-Ovseyenko paints a picture similar to horror films: supposedly, when the performers pushed Beria’s body into the flames of the crematorium and clung to the glass of the furnace, they were seized with fear - the body of their bloody boss on the fiery tray suddenly moved and gradually began to sit down... Later it turned out that that the service personnel “forgot” to cut the tendons, and they were under the influence high temperature began to decline. But at first it seemed to everyone that in the flames of hell the dead executioner came to life...
An interesting story. However, while reporting eerie physiological details, the narrator does not provide a link to any document. Where, for example, are the acts confirming the execution and burning of Beria? This is not an empty quibble, for if anyone read the act of execution, he could not help but notice that the obligatory doctor in such cases was not present at the execution of Beria, and did not at all testify to her... So the question arises: “Was there Is it Beria there? Or another one: “Or maybe the report was drawn up retroactively and without a doctor?” And the lists of those present at the execution published by different authors do not coincide. To prove these words, I will cite the act of execution dated December 23, 1953.
“Today at 19:50, based on the order of the chairman of the special judicial presence Supreme Court USSR dated December 23, 1953 N 003 by me, the commandant of the special judicial presence, Colonel General Batitsky P.F., in the presence Prosecutor General USSR, Actual State Counselor of Justice Rudenko R.A. and Army General Moskalenko K.S., the sentence of the special judicial presence was carried out in relation to Lavrenty Pavlovich Beria, sentenced to capital punishment - execution.” Three signatures. And no more guarding generals (as Zhukov was told); no Konev, Yuferev, Zub, Baksov, Nedelin and Getman, and no doctor (as Antonov-Ovseenko was told).
These discrepancies could have been ignored if Beria’s son Sergo had not insisted that Shvernik, a member of that same court, told him personally: “I was part of the tribunal in the case of your father, but I never saw him.” Sergo was even more doubtful by the confession of court member Mikhailov: “Sergo, I don’t want to tell you about the details, but we didn’t see your father alive”... Mikhailov did not expand on how to evaluate this mysterious statement. Either an actor was put in the dock instead of Beria, or Beria himself changed beyond recognition during his arrest? It is possible that Beria could have doubles... This concerns the act of execution. Another act - cremation, as far as I know, no one saw at all, as well as the body of the person who was shot. Of course, with the exception of those three who signed the act. They signed it, but then what? Where are the Burial or Cremation Certificates? Who cremated? Who buried? It turns out, as in the song: and no one will know where your grave is... Indeed, no one has yet provided any evidence about the burial place of Beria, although the “grave accounting department” of the state security agencies has kept records in this regard in such a way that, if necessary, you can quickly get all the information.
Why was Malenkov silent?
I’ll start with the letters that the arrested Beria wrote to his former “associates”. There were several of them. And all of them, as far as I know, were written before the July Plenum, i.e. from June 26 to July 2. I've read some. Of greatest interest is, apparently, the very last letter addressed “To the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Comrades Malenkov, Khrushchev, Molotov, Voroshilov, Kaganovich, Mikoyan, Pervukhin, Bulganin and Saburov,” i.e. those who made the decision to arrest. But before citing its text in full, it is necessary to make an explanation.
The vote on Beria's arrest was very tense and took place twice. The first time, according to Malenkov’s assistant D. Sukhanov, only Malenkov, Pervukhin and Saburov were in favor, while Khrushchev and Bulganin and, of course, Mikoyan abstained. Voroshilov, Kaganovich and Molotov were generally “against”. Moreover, Molotov allegedly stated that arresting one of the first leaders of the party, government and legislative branch without an arrest warrant is not only a violation of parliamentary immunity, but also of all major party and Soviet laws in general. However, when military men entered the meeting room with weapons and it was proposed to vote again, everyone immediately voted in favor, as if feeling that if they violated the “unanimity” required in such cases, then they too would be counted among Beria’s accomplices. Many are inclined to believe Sukhanov’s memories recorded years later, although we must not forget that he himself was outside the office in which the events took place. Therefore, I could only find out about what happened from hearsay. And most likely in the words of his master Malenkov, who did not really like his rivals in the struggle for the first place in power - Molotov, Khrushchev and Bulganin.
However, if you believe not Sukhanov, but the mentioned letter from Beria, then on the day of the arrest, whoever, but Malenkov and Khrushchev were more unanimous than ever. To see this, let’s read Beria’s downright screaming letter.
“Dear comrades, they can deal with me without trial or investigation, after 5 days of imprisonment, without a single interrogation, I beg you all, so that this is not allowed, I ask for immediate intervention, otherwise it will be too late. You need to warn us directly by phone...
Why do they do it the way they are doing now? They put us in the basement, and no one finds out or asks anything. Dear comrades, is the only and correct way to resolve without trial and clarify the case against a member of the Central Committee and his comrade after 5 days in the basement, to execute him. Once again I beg you all...
...I affirm that all charges will be dropped if you only want to investigate this. What a rush, and a suspicious one at that.
I ask T. Malenkov and Comrade Khrushchev not to persist. Would it be bad if she was rehabilitated?
Again and again I beg you to intervene and not to destroy your innocent old friend. Your Lavrentiy Beria."
Here's a letter. However, no matter how much Beria begged, exactly what he was madly afraid of happened...
At the closed Plenum, which took place from July 2 to July 7, 1953, in numerous accusatory speeches, words were spoken that then, in the general turmoil and victorious euphoria, no one (!) paid attention to. Khrushchev was the first to spill the beans. Having entered into the excitement of the story of how they deftly dealt with Beria, he, among other enthusiastic phrases, suddenly blurted out: “Beria... has given up his spirit.”
Kaganovich spoke even more clearly: “...having eliminated this traitor Beria, we must completely restore Stalin’s legal rights...” And most definitely: “The Central Committee destroyed the adventurer Beria...” And that’s the point. You can't say more precisely.
Of course, these words of top officials can also be taken in a figurative sense. But why then did none of them even mention that at the upcoming investigation it was necessary to properly question Beria about all his dirty deeds? It is no coincidence, apparently, that none of them even hinted that Beria himself should have been brought to the Plenum, so that everyone could listen to his confessions and ask the accumulated questions, as, for example, Stalin did in relation to Bukharin. Most likely, they didn’t hint because there was no one to deliver... It’s also possible, however, that they were afraid that Beria would expose them and, first of all, his “old friends” Khrushchev and Malenkov...
Is this the reason why Malenkov was silent about the events of those years? Even his son Andrei laments that even after a third of a century his father preferred to avoid talking about this topic.
Special cuisine of the Kremlin
I have a good relationship with Gennady Nikolaevich Kolomentsev, the former head of the Kremlin Special Kitchen. The memoirs of the honorary (now deceased) security officer of the USSR helped correct many mistakes of researchers and historians, but one of his confessions makes one especially think.
It began with the fact that I told him a number of details about the arrest of Beria, which came from the already mentioned son of Antonov-Ovseenko, who, in particular, said that “Beria had to change his suit to a soldier’s uniform - a cotton tunic and trousers. Food was delivered to the arrested person from the garage of the Moscow Military District headquarters - a soldier’s ration, a soldier’s serving: a pot and an aluminum spoon...”
Hearing this, Kolomentsev literally exploded: “All this is nonsense! My people served Beria. So I saw him often. I didn't like him. Through his pince-nez, he had a kind of snake-like look... When he was arrested, we brought him food to Osipenko Street, to the bomb shelter bunker where he was sitting. They were afraid that there were people interested in poisoning him. All products were transported there under seal. A special waiter arrived with dishes. He feeds and leaves..."
—What did they feed Beria? - I ask. - Regular soldier's rations?
- Yes you! He was given a special menu in which he noted what he needed. Even after being arrested, Beria made up his own menu from the list that we offered him. And the list was not at the level of a soldier or officer, and not even at the level of a general, but even higher... Beria was shot there, in the dungeon. The only thing I saw - no... my deputy told me this - was how Beria’s corpse was carried out in a tarpaulin and loaded into a car. And where they burned him and buried him, I don’t know.”
It would seem that there is nothing special about this memory. However, in the memoirs of the military men who arrested and guarded Beria, it is categorically emphasized that in order to avoid organizing an escape, Beria’s former subordinates were not allowed anywhere near him (at least before the Plenum).
From this we can draw a logical conclusion: Kolomentsev was allowed to feed Beria only when it was no longer Beria who was sitting there in the bunker, but someone playing his role. Therefore, neither the possible escape of the double nor his poisoning no longer worried the “old friends” and, above all, Malenkov and Khrushchev.
As for the corpse, you never know who could have been carried out wrapped in a tarpaulin. We had the opportunity to observe a similar scene in our days, when television showed the removal of the lifeless body of the criminal authority Pasha-Tsvetomuzika after an attack on him by a contract killer. And after a while everyone again saw Pasha’s face alive and unharmed.
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The execution of the “bloody” Stalinist People's Commissar 65 years ago was staged. Khrushchev and Malenkov hid their former comrade-in-arms in South America, researchers say.
According to the official version, Lavrentiy Beria was arrested on June 26, 1953 in the Kremlin and in the same year on December 23, by a court verdict, he was shot in an underground bunker in the courtyard of the headquarters of the Moscow Military District.
However, there is a lot of darkness in this story. There is a document about the death of Beria. It was signed by three officials - Colonel General Batitsky, Prosecutor General of the USSR Rudenko and Army General Moskalenko. The document has the title: “Act. 1953, December 23 days.”
The document does not raise doubts about its authenticity, unless, of course, it is compared with other, similar documents. Now such an opportunity has arisen. And, as the archives show, official data from those years too often diverges from reality. Therefore, the attention of historians is also attracted by other versions about the fate of Beria, living in the form of rumors. Two of them are especially sensational.
The first assumes that Beria somehow managed to avoid the trap prepared against him during the conspiracy of his former comrades, or even escape from the arrest that had already happened and hide in Latin America. And thus he was able to stay alive.
The second rumor says that during the arrest of Beria, the marshal and his guard resisted and were killed. They even name the author of the fatal shot, namely Khrushchev. There are those who say that the pre-trial execution took place in the already mentioned bunker almost immediately after Beria’s arrest in the Kremlin.
Which of these versions should you believe? Especially in light of the fact that no one has ever seen Beria’s ashes, and no one knows where he is buried. Not long ago, two versions were confirmed that Beria had survived after all.
Marshal's Trap
As noted by a famous researcher Soviet history Nikolai Zenkovich, Khrushchev loved to tell his foreign interlocutors how the action against Beria was carried out. The plot, with some changes, is basically the same.
According to one of Khrushchev's stories, Beria's end was like this. Khrushchev convinced first G.M. Malenkov and N.A. Bulganin, and then the rest of the members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, that if Beria was not eliminated in June 1953, he would send all members of the Presidium to prison. Everyone probably thought so, although everyone was afraid to say it out loud. Khrushchev was not afraid. The only thing that was difficult was the technique of carrying out the operation against Beria. The normal procedure - open discussion of the accusations against the marshal in the Presidium of the Central Committee or at the party plenum - was no longer necessary. There was a danger that as soon as Beria found out about the accusations against him, he would immediately carry out a coup d’etat and shoot all his rival comrades-in-arms. According to one very widespread version, Beria intended to arrest the entire Presidium of the Central Committee at the Bolshoi Theater, at the premiere of Yuri Shaporin’s opera “The Decembrists.”
The action was allegedly scheduled for June 27. Although, as N. Zenkovich notes, these rumors could have been spread with the aim of convincing the public that the villain Beria himself was preparing a conspiracy against the leadership of the USSR, and the “core” of the Party Central Committee had no choice but a preemptive strike.
Thus, in the fight against Beria, the conspirators had only one option left: to deceive and lure him into a trap. According to one version, the operation against Beria was timed to coincide with the beginning of the army’s summer maneuvers (interestingly, there is no mention of the maneuvers in the memoirs of the military themselves). Several Siberian divisions were also supposed to participate in the exercises of the Moscow Military District (MVO) (just in case there were supporters of Beria in the Moscow divisions). At a meeting of the Council of Ministers held on June 26, the leadership of the Ministry of Defense and the Chief of the General Staff reported on the progress of the maneuvers. A group of military men led by Marshal Zhukov (he had already been transferred from Sverdlovsk to Moscow and served as Deputy Minister of Defense) and the commander of the Moscow Military District, General K. S. Moskalenko, was also present in the hall.
Malenkov declared the joint meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee and the Council of Ministers open. And he immediately turned to Zhukov so that he “on behalf of the Soviet government” would detain Beria. Zhukov commanded Beria: “Hands up!” Moskalenko and other generals drew their weapons to prevent provocation from Beria.
The generals then took Beria into custody and took him to the next room, next to Malenkov’s office. At Khrushchev’s suggestion, they immediately relieved him of his post as Prosecutor General of the USSR and appointed Rudenko, Khrushchev’s man, in his place.
Then the Presidium of the Central Committee discussed the question of the future fate of Beria: what to do with him next and where to put him? There were two solutions: keep Beria under arrest and conduct an investigation, or immediately shoot him, and then retroactively formalize the death sentence legally. Making the first decision was dangerous: Beria had the entire state security apparatus and internal troops behind him, and he could easily be released. There were no legal grounds to make the second decision - to immediately shoot Beria.
After discussing both options, we came to the conclusion: Beria still needs to be shot immediately to eliminate the possibility of a riot. The executor of this sentence - in the same next room - in Khrushchev's stories was once General Moskalenko, on another - Mikoyan, and on the third - even Khrushchev himself (he added: further investigation of the Beria case, they say, fully confirmed that he was shot correctly) .
Where is Beria buried?
Russian researchers N. Zenkovich and S. Gribanov collected many documents about the fate of Beria after his arrest. But especially valuable evidence on this matter was discovered in the archives by Vladimir Karpov, Hero of the Soviet Union, intelligence officer and former head of the USSR Writers' Union. Studying the life of Marshal G. Zhukov, he put an end to the dispute over whether Zhukov participated in the arrest of Beria. The secret, handwritten memoirs of the marshal he found say directly: he not only participated, but also led the capture group. So, the statement of Beria’s son Sergo that Zhukov had nothing to do with his father’s arrest is untrue!
In the opinion of historians, Karpov’s find is also important because it refutes the rumor about Nikita Khrushchev’s heroic shot during the detention of the all-powerful Minister of Internal Affairs.
Zhukov personally did not see what happened after the arrest and therefore wrote what he learned from hearsay, namely: “After the trial, Beria was shot by the same people who guarded him. During the execution, Beria behaved very poorly, like the very last coward, cried hysterically, knelt down and, finally, soiled himself all over. In a word, he lived disgustingly and died even more disgustingly.” Note: this is what Zhukov was told, but he himself did not see it.
And here’s what military journalist S. Gribanov managed to learn from the “real” “author” of the bullet for Beria, then Colonel General P. F. Batitsky: “We took Beria down the stairs to the dungeon. That’s when I shot him.”
Everything would be fine, notes researcher Nikolai Dobryukha, if other witnesses to the execution, and General Batitsky himself, said the same thing everywhere. Although, inconsistencies could also occur due to negligence or the literary fantasies of researchers. One of whom, for example, the son of the revolutionary Antonov-Ovseenko, wrote that they allegedly executed Beria in the bunker of the Moscow Military District headquarters, in the presence of Prosecutor General Rudenko, who read out the verdict. The marshal was shot by General Batitsky. After the doctor examined the body, “Beria’s body was wrapped in canvas and sent to the crematorium.”
Everything would be fine, the researchers note, but where are the documents confirming the execution and burning of Beria? What remains a mystery, for example, is that, as follows from the execution act dated December 23, 1953, for some reason the obligatory doctor in such cases was not present at Beria’s death. And the lists of those present at the execution published by different authors do not coincide. No one saw another act - cremation, as well as the body of the person shot. Of course, with the exception of those three who signed the act. So, the question arises: “Was it Beria who was shot?”
These discrepancies could have been ignored if Beria’s son Sergo had not insisted that Shvernik, a member of that same court, told him personally: “I was part of the tribunal in the case of your father, but I never saw him.” Even more doubts were raised in Sergo by the confessions of a member of the court, former Secretary of the Central Committee Mikhailov, who stated more frankly: “A completely different person was sitting in the courtroom.” But then he explained: either an actor was put in the dock instead of Beria, or the marshal himself changed beyond recognition during the arrest? It is possible, some researchers suggest, that Beria could have doubles. ((A man with a mustache from Argentina
And now about the South American trace of the post-execution biography of Lavrentiy Beria.
In 1958, Beria's son Sergo and wife Nina Teymurazovna lived in Sverdlovsk under the wife's maiden name - Gegechkori (immediately after her husband's arrest, Nina Teymurazovna ended up in Butyrka prison). Once upon a time in my mailbox Nina Teymurazovna discovered a photograph in which Lavrentiy Beria was depicted with some lady on May Square in the capital of Argentina, Buenos Aires. The photo was taken against the backdrop of the presidential palace. As N. Zenkovich describes, after seeing the photo, Nina Teymurazovna said: “This is the husband.”
In the mailbox, along with the photo, there was also a mysterious message: “In Anaklia, on the shores of the Black Sea, a man with a very important information about my father." Nina Teymurazovna invented an illness for herself, received sick leave and flew to Georgia to meet with the unknown bearer of the news. However, no one came to the meeting. Probably, the anonymous person wanted to see Beria’s son, Sergo.
The story of the mysterious photo did not end there. Many decades later, archival documentary footage of one of the squares of Buenos Aires fell into the hands of Russian documentary filmmakers. On it, against the background of the monument, surrounded by idly walking passers-by, a walking man in a light raincoat and a dark hat is clearly visible. At the moment when he passes directly in front of the camera operator, he momentarily turns his head towards the camera and looks straight into the lens. At the same time, his face, mustache and pince-nez on his nose are clearly visible. The first reaction of everyone who saw these footage was almost the same: “This man looks like Beria!”
To make sure that the newsreels were not a skillful fake, the filmmakers turned to specialists. After a thorough examination of the film, video editing experts stated that there were no traces of artificial editing of frames and images - the filming was real.
Then the film was shown to specialists who compared the external data of the person filmed in Argentina with the data of Beria, so that they could give an opinion on their possible similarity, or vice versa. Using computer analysis, experts studied the face of the mysterious “Argentine” and Lavrentiy Beria and concluded with a probability of more than 90% that this is the same person.
To avoid possible error, in case the man from Argentina could turn out to be a double or simply a person very similar to Beria, the film was also given to psychodynamic specialists to study. Based on a special technique that allows, based on a person’s normal movements, to identify his mental characteristics and on this basis to determine the psychotype of a person as a whole, experts compared the footage of the Argentine shooting with the footage lifetime shooting Beria, came to the conclusion that they depict the same person. It is simply impossible to fake movements so skillfully, even if desired, experts say.
It turns out that Beria, who was allegedly shot, in fact, after his official death, for a long time remained alive and living safely in Argentina? Who and for what purpose filmed Beria in Buenos Aires (if it really was him) remains a mystery. Although, there is by no means a coincidence of the place and time of the shooting and the fact that, while passing by the operator, the man turned his head and “looked” straight into the camera lens. This gives reason to assume that the shooting was done intentionally.
For what purpose could this be done? Probably in order to remind in this way of the existence of Beria those who continued to rule at that time Soviet country. But why then, one might ask, did the leadership of the USSR need to create the greatest hoax with the execution of Beria, as well as releasing him alive in South America? The most likely version here is that many of the comrades of Stalin and Beria, who stood at the helm of the USSR after the death of the leader, were themselves afraid that Beria, having for many years had enormous opportunities to collect incriminating evidence on the entire Soviet elite, would expose their old ones, “ bloody” “sins” before the people, starting with participation in mass repressions. On the other hand, it was also impossible to leave Beria inside the country: many people had too much fear of his former power. Apparently, this is why Stalin’s heirs and Beria’s former comrades-in-arms agreed on a “neutral” option: saving the marshal’s life, but sending him to live as a private citizen away from the USSR, as was previously done with Leon Trotsky.
Is this the reason why Malenkov was silent about the events of those years? Even his son Andrei lamented that even after a third of a century his father preferred to avoid talking about what happened to Beria?
So where is the grave of the “bloody” marshal?
Prepared by Oleg Lobanov
based on materials " Soviet Belarus", Zenkovich N. A. "Attempts and stagings: from Lenin to Yeltsin", Sergo Beria. “Evening Moscow” “My father is Lavrentiy Beria”, TRC “Russia”
Lavrenty Pavlovich Beria Over the past decades, official historiography has presented him as one of the darkest figures in the entire history of Russia. He is often compared to Malyuta Skuratov, close to the king Ivan the Terrible, the head of the guardsmen. Beria appears to be the main “Stalinist executioner”, who bears the main responsibility for political repression.
Soldier of the revolution
This is largely due to the fact that history is always written by the winners. Lavrentiy Beria, who lost the struggle for power after death Joseph Stalin, paid for his defeat not only with his life, but also by being declared the main “scapegoat” for all the mistakes and abuses of the Stalinist period.
Born on March 17, 1899 in a poor peasant family in Abkhazia, Lavrentiy Beria already became involved in the revolutionary struggle in Transcaucasia at the age of 16. He ended up in prison several times. After final establishment Soviet power 21-year-old Beria began serving in the Cheka of Azerbaijan and then Georgia. He took part in the defeat of the counter-revolutionary underground, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner.
In 1927, Lavrentiy Beria became People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Georgian SSR; in 1931, he took the post of first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia, effectively becoming the first person in the republic.
Business owner and human rights activist
Since this period, Beria has had a controversial reputation - on the one hand, he is accused of repressions against political competitors, on the other, they note that the 32-year-old politician showed himself to be a strong business executive, thanks to whom Georgia and the Transcaucasus as a whole began to develop rapidly economically. It was thanks to Beria that high purchasing prices were set for tea, grapes, and tangerines produced in the region. This is where the glory of Georgia began as one of the most prosperous republics of the USSR.
As an active politician and republican leader, Beria could not be uninvolved in political repression, however, contrary to popular belief, it has nothing to do with the “Great Terror” - the period of 1937-1938, when in less than two years several hundred thousand people were killed, most of them representing the party, state and military elite of the country.
Lavrentiy Beria appeared in the apparatus of the NKVD of the USSR in August 1938, when the scale of terror perpetrated by the People's Commissar of the NKVD Nikolai Yezhov, scared the top Soviet leadership. Beria’s appointment was intended to “besiege” the raging “silovik” and return the situation under control.
In November 1938, 39-year-old Lavrentiy Beria headed the NKVD of the USSR, replacing Nikolai Yezhov. It was the arrival of Beria that is considered the end of the “Great Terror”; moreover, over the next two years, about 200 thousand illegally arrested and convicted under Yezhov were released.
The path to power is through the bomb
During the war, Beria was not only involved in the work of the NKVD and NKGB, but was also the curator of the defense industry and transport. He played an important role in ensuring the evacuation industrial enterprises to the East of the country.
Memorandums of Lavrentiy Beria addressed to Joseph Stalin, stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation. Photo: RIA Novosti
In 1944, during the war, Lavrentiy Beria was the curator of the Soviet “atomic project”. In this case, he showed unique organizational skills, thanks to which atomic bomb the USSR appeared in 1949, much earlier than the Americans expected.
It was the success of the “atomic project” that made Beria not just one of the high-ranking statesmen, but one of those who could be considered as Stalin's successor.
By the time of Joseph Stalin's death on March 5, 1953, there was no figure in the Soviet leadership who could assume full power. In fact, a ruling triumvirate was formed - Georgy Malenkov, the head of the Soviet government and the formal leader of the country, Nikita Khrushchev, who became the leader of the party after Stalin’s death, and Lavrenty Beria, who headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which included the Ministry of State Security.
Struggle for leadership
Such a triarchy could not last long - each side strengthened its positions. Beria appointed his own people to senior positions in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, assuming that control over the security forces would decide the matter.
It is quite difficult to say now what would await the country under the rule of Beria. Some talk about " hard hand"and a new round of repressions, others claim that the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was preparing a large-scale rehabilitation of political prisoners.
The most radical ones argue that Beria, as a successful business executive, was aimed at de-ideologizing the country, building a market economy, and even granting independence to the Baltic republics.
But whatever plans Beria had, they were not destined to be realized. Nikita Khrushchev, at one time one of the most active proponents of the “Great Terror” policy, began to play ahead of the curve. He managed to conclude an alliance with Georgy Malenkov and two other prominent politicians - Nikolai Bulganin And Vyacheslav Molotov directed against the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Beria clearly underestimated the threat, believing that control over the Ministry of Internal Affairs allowed him not to fear for his safety. Khrushchev, however, managed to win over the military, including himself Georgy Zhukov.
A fall
The denouement came at a meeting of the USSR Council of Ministers on June 26, 1953 in the Kremlin, where Khrushchev unexpectedly accused Beria of anti-state activities and espionage for Great Britain. Confused, Beria tried to make excuses, and some of the conspirators hesitated, offering to simply “point out the mistakes” to the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. But in key moment Generals led by Zhukov appeared in the meeting room and arrested Beria.
In the car of one of the generals, Beria was taken from the Kremlin to the garrison guardhouse of the Moscow Military District, and a day later he was transferred to a specially equipped cell in a bomb shelter at the headquarters of the Moscow Military District.
On the day of Beria’s arrest, army units were deployed to Moscow in case the situation worsened. However, it did not come to street fighting. Over the next few days, Beria's closest associates were arrested, who could try to free their boss.
In December 1953, the Special Judicial Presence of the Supreme Court of the USSR, chaired by Marshal Ivan Konev, examined the “Beria case.” The charges brought against the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were not much different from those used during the years of the “Great Terror” - he was charged with espionage, abuse of power, and much more. These accusations had little to do with Beria’s real activities, and the trial itself did not set out to establish the truth.
On December 23, 1953, Lavrentiy Beria was sentenced to death and executed in the bunker of the Moscow Military District headquarters in the presence of the country's Prosecutor General Rudenko. At night, the body of the executed man was taken to the 1st Moscow Crematorium, burned, and the ashes were scattered over the Moscow River.
There are, however, alternative version events that Beria's son spoke about Sergo Lavrentievich, as well as Stalin's daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva. According to it, there was no meeting of the Council of Ministers on June 26, 1953. Lavrentiy Beria was killed in a shootout in own home when the conspirators tried to capture him.
Lavrentiy Pavlovich Beria is one of the most influential politicians of the Stalinist period, the all-powerful chief of the NKVD, whose name is associated with the execution of representatives of the party and military elite, mass repression, as well as important achievements in the field of increasing the country’s economic potential, reorganizing foreign intelligence activities, and creating domestic nuclear weapons.By the time of Joseph Stalin’s death, he headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs (which included the MGB), taking control of the entire political and economic life of the country, and was one of the most likely contenders for the position of “Leader of the Peoples” along with Malenkov and Khrushchev).
Childhood and adolescence
The future high-ranking security official was born on March 29, 1899 into a family of peasants living in the mountain village of Merkheuli near Sukhumi. Mother Marta Vissarionovna and father Pavel Khukhaevich were descendants of Mingrelians (Georgian subethnic group). Mom was related to the main aristocratic, but bankrupt Mingrelian family of Dadiani. She had six children from a previous marriage - Kapiton, Tamara, Elena, daughter Pasha and son Noah (twins) and Luka, who were given to relatives to raise due to extreme poverty.Lawrence's parents lived an ordinary peasant life: they were engaged in growing grapes, tobacco, and raising bees. Their common first-born, elder brother Lavrentiy, died at the age of 2, contracting smallpox. In 1905, in addition to Lavrenty, the youngest daughter Annette appeared in the family, who became deaf and dumb after an illness.
Since childhood, my son was a smart boy, he showed independence and character - in any weather, for lack of shoes, he walked barefoot in primary school, located three kilometers from the house. Then, in an effort to learn and escape from a miserable existence, he entered the Sukhumi Higher Primary School, where during 4 years of study he showed high abilities for natural sciences and drawing.
It was not easy for the parents to pay for their son’s life in the city; they even had to sell half of their house. The teenager also tried to earn money to the best of his ability - from the age of 12 he was engaged in tutoring.
After finishing his studies in Sukhumi in 1915, he continued his education at the Baku Secondary Mechanical and Construction School educational institution. In 1916, the young man decided to take his mother and sister to his city. He began to independently support himself and them financially, working in parallel with his studies at the oil company of the Nobel brothers. According to some reports, he also worked as a postman, delivering letters before classes. In 1919, the young man received the prestigious specialty of architect-builder.
Party activities
Beria began to engage in party work while studying in Baku - he became a member of an underground student Marxist cell, where he served as treasurer. In 1917 he joined the Bolshevik Party. In the same year, as a trainee technician at a hydraulic engineering enterprise, he traveled to Romania. 
In 1918, Lavrenty Pavlovich returned to his homeland and subsequently worked in various party and Soviet posts in Transcaucasia. In the period 1919-1921. he was a student at the Baku Polytechnic University, but was then recalled to serve in the Cheka of Azerbaijan.
Since 1931, he worked as Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia, making a huge contribution to the development of the national economy of the republic. In 1938, he moved to Moscow, where he headed the State Security Directorate of the NKVD, and then the People's Commissariat itself.
While in this position, he initiated the release from prisons of persons imprisoned on false charges. In 1939, more than 11 thousand military commanders were rehabilitated. But then the arrests of the military elite continued, reducing the combat effectiveness of the army. In addition, on the eve of the Second World War, the NKVD carried out the eviction of “unreliable elements” from the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Belarus to the east of the USSR.
With the outbreak of the war, Beria joined the State Defense Committee, which had full power in the country. It was headed by Joseph Stalin, and Lavrenty Pavlovich in 1944-45. was chairman of the Operations Bureau, controlling heavy industry, coal and oil industries, and transport. He was also involved in organizing the rapid evacuation to the rear of enterprises located in the west of the country, creating roads and airfields for their work in new places in order to provide the front with everything necessary.
During wartime, he was directly involved in issues of deportation, when innocent citizens and children were resettled along with criminals. In 1941, during the Nazi offensive on Moscow, on his orders, hundreds of prisoners were shot without trial. Moreover, for all soldiers who were captured or did not want to fight, the public death penalty was applied.
In 1945, Beria led the activities of the Special Committee to create an atomic bomb, as well as the work of a network of foreign intelligence agents, thanks to which the USSR was aware of all the most important technical developments in this area of US nuclear researchers. In 1949, the first domestic atomic bomb was successfully tested, and Beria received the Stalin Prize.
After the death of the “Father of Nations” in 1953, Beria headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs and was deputy. Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Trying to strengthen his position in power, he initiated the exit of a number of judicial reforms, an amnesty decree that released more than one million prisoners, ending the sensational “Doctors’ Plot,” and prohibiting cruel interrogation methods.
However, at the instigation of Nikita Khrushchev, a conspiracy was organized against Lavrentiy Beria, and in June 1953, at a meeting of the Presidium, he was arrested. He was accused of treason, moral corruption and connections with foreign intelligence.
Personal life of Lavrentiy Beria
The head of state security since 1922 was married to the beautiful Nina Teymurazovna (nee Gegechkori), whose family belonged to an impoverished noble family. The couple's first child died in early childhood. In 1924, their son Sergo was born. All her life she supported and justified the activities of her husband. 
Besides her, in last years In his life, the minister had a common-law wife, at the time of their acquaintance she was still a schoolgirl, Valentina (Lalya) Drozdova, who gave birth to his daughter Marta. Joseph Stalin and Lavrentiy Beria with the daughter of the “Father of Nations” Svetlana On December 23, 1953, Lavrentiy Beria was shot
According to a number of historians and the son of the disgraced head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Sergo Lavrentievich, there was neither his father’s arrest in the Kremlin nor a trial. He was allegedly shot dead during an attempted takeover in their house on Malaya Nikitskaya.