Name the first President of the Chechen Republic is familiar to almost every Russian. In honor of Akhmat Kadyrov in Russia they call streets and bridges, the first Islamic institute, which Kadyrov Sr. created, continues to educate students, and political scientists are still discussing the decisions that the first President of Chechnya took. On Victory Day 12 years ago, on May 9, 2004, Akhmat Kadyrov died. The bomb, which the militants built into the podium, exploded at the height of the holiday.
First assassination attempt and death sentence
The first attempt on Akhmat Kadyrov's life was made on October 26, 1998. Then Kadyrov Sr. served as the Mufti of the Chechen Republic. The muftiate was in Grozny on Oktyabrskaya Street. When Kadyrov drove up to work, a bomb went off near the building. Then only the mufti's driver was injured.
Akhmat-Khadzhi Abdulkhamidovich Kadyrov is a Chechen statesman and religious figure. Born on August 23, 1951 in Karaganda. October 5, 2003 was elected President of the Chechen Republic. From 1995 to 2000 he served as Mufti of Chechnya. He died on May 9, 2004 in Grozny in an explosion during the Victory Parade.Two days after this incident, history repeated itself: along the route of Akhmat Kadyrov's car, another explosive device was planted. This time, the bomb did not have time to work: it was found and defused. Six months - and again an explosion: a car with security, which was moving as part of the mufti's motorcade, took off on May 25, 1999.
Six months later, he was removed from the post of mufti and sentenced to death. November 28, 1999 Aslan Maskhadov, in those years the president of Ichkeria, declares Kadyrov enemy No. 1. Sharia court sentences Akhmat Kadyrov to capital punishment. The reason is the negotiations of the former mufti with Vladimir Putin. There were many who wanted to play the role of executioners for Akhmat. Among them are terrorists. Shamil Basaev And Khattab, who announced a $100,000 reward for the head of Kadyrov Sr.
Six attacks in a year
In 2000, there were six assassination attempts on Akhmat Kadyrov. In May, people armed with a mine were detained near his house, in July the house of the ex-mufti was fired from machine guns, and already in August, an explosive device was found near Kadyrov's home. The list goes on: September - a blown up land mine, October - a suicide bomber who blew himself up near Kadyrov's house, November - another bomb.
A number of assassination attempts on Akhmat Kadyrov were committed in 2001-2003. The largest was the terrorist attack on May 14. A suicide bomber blew herself up in Ilistkhan-Yurt Square, when the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad was celebrated there. 18 people were killed and 145 others were injured. Akhmat Kadyrov was not injured.
Death on parade
The terrorist act, which became fatal for Akhmat Kadyrov, was the 20th attempt on his life. The terrorists planned the attack on VE Day. On May 9, 2004, the leadership of the Chechen Republic settled down on the VIP-tribune of the Dynamo stadium. The then president of Chechnya Akhmat Kadyrov and members of the republican government came to the concert. He implicitly trusted the environment, he will say after that Mr. Lava of the Internal Affairs Directorate of Chechnya Said-Selim Peshkhoev.
This time, Kadyrov's fighters did not prevent the tragedy. At 10:35 an explosion occurred in the central stand. The guards tried to help the bloodied Akhmat Kadyrov, but the life of the head of the republic could not be saved: he died on the way to the hospital without regaining consciousness.
Together with the head of Chechnya, six more people died. Among the victims was chairman State Council Chechnya Hussein Isaev. More than fifty Chechens were hospitalized with injuries.
Basayev took responsibility
The terrorists prepared in advance, as it turned out later. The bomb was built into the podium during the reconstruction of the sports facility. On Victory Day, the explosive device was activated. This was reported after a thorough examination of the scene commander of the troops for the counter-terrorist operation in the North Caucasus Valery Baranov.Responsibility for the murder of Akhmat Kadyrov, two years after the tragedy, took the Chechen militant Shamil Basayev. This was one of the last statements of the terrorist. On July 10, 2006, Basayev was destroyed.
In 1995, Akhmat-hadji Kadyrov, being the mufti of Ichkeria, declared jihad on Russia. And nine years later, he posthumously received the star of the hero. The biography is quite worthy, for example, a screenplay.
Somehow last fall, in a private conversation, a profile correspondent asked a prominent United Russia functionary why his party had supported Kadyrov in the presidential elections in Chechnya. The answer was simple and unexpectedly frank: "I won't tell you that it is crystal. But judge for yourself - who else was there to support?"
Mufti Akhmat-hadji was declared a traitor by his former associates after he left Maskhadov's Chechnya in the stormy autumn of 1999. When in the summer of 2000 Putin appointed him head of the republican administration by decree, several heads of Chechen regional administrations protested this. And Bislan Gantamirov, who himself expected to lead Chechnya, moved his fighters to Gudermes, where the residence of the ex-mufti was located. Later, when Kadyrov had already become president, Russian politicians that of the right, that of the left, for any reason, they began to accuse him of hidden separatist inclinations. Justified the Chechen president only " United Russia"- but somehow sluggishly," according to the position.
Now Akhmat-hadji is gone. And critics suddenly found that there was no one to replace him. Over the past four years, in the warring and destitute Chechnya, Kadyrov managed to build a system of power in which there was not a single figure, at least comparable to him in influence.
Akhmat Kadyrov was born on August 23, 1951 in Karaganda, where his family was deported during the war years. After rehabilitation, the Kadyrovs returned to their homeland and settled in the village of Tsentoroi. The life of the young Akhmat Kadyrov was not much different from the life of his Chechen peers. At the end of the usual high school he went to courses for combine operators, after which he worked for two years at one of the rice-growing state farms in Chechnya. However, work for the good of the native agriculture(or rather - the salary for this work) he quickly got bored, and Kadyrov went to seek his fortune on the side. In other words, to work on the construction sites of the Non-Black Earth Region and Siberia. By the way, many of his fellow countrymen did this in the 70s. After all, dowry, without which it was impossible to get married, could reach the cost of a new "Zhigulenka", and on collective farms and state farms they paid little.
According to the unspoken rules that existed in the Soviet Union, a guy from an aul receiving a higher secular education gave him undeniable advantages before less successful compatriots. However, for some reason this way of self-affirmation did not appeal to Kadyrov. Perhaps the assault on ordinary universities was simply not to his liking. Or maybe the strong religious traditions of the family played a decisive role.
Be that as it may, in 1980 Kadyrov left for Bukhara, where he entered the Mir-Arab madrasah. After that, he studied at the Islamic Institute in Tashkent and returned to his native village only in the late 80s. Mosques had just begun to open in Chechnya, and Kadyrov organized his own Islamic Institute in Kurchaloy, where he took the post of rector. However, he did not serve long. Shortly after the start of the first Chechen war, Akhmat Kadyrov, by then the deputy mufti of Chechnya, joined one of the armed formations fighting against the federal forces.
"Zone free from Wahhabism"
The finest hour of Kadyrov's "anti-Russian" career came in August 1995, when, at a congress of field commanders in Vedeno, Dzhokhar Dudayev appointed him Supreme Mufti of Ichkeria. At that time, Dudayev thought about the fact that the war he waged against Russia was declared sacred. However, the current mufti of Chechnya categorically refused to declare jihad and did not advise other clergymen to do so. It was then that the name of the rector of the Islamic Institute Kadyrov appeared on the lists for an honorary position. According to rumors, none other than Shamil Basayev took an active part in this appointment.
Kadyrov quickly justified the high confidence placed in him and declared jihad on Russia, calling on Muslims to kill Russians wherever they met. Then the mufti uttered a phrase that they still cannot forget to him: "There are a million Chechens, and 150 million Russians. If each Chechen kills 150 Russians, we will win." He also, according to some reports, was one of the initiators of the creation of Sharia courts in Chechnya.
But when the first war ended, it turned out that not everyone in Ichkeria recognized the authority of Mufti Kadyrov. Wahhabis appeared in the republic, for them the Islam that Akhmat-hadji professed from childhood was "wrong". Wahhabism (or rather, what in Chechnya was then called Wahhabism) was rapidly gaining strength.
The conflict between the mufti and the Wahhabis became irreconcilable after the events of July 1998 in Gudermes. Versions of events were different. They say, for example, that several fighters from the detachment of the Yamadayev brothers, relatives of Kadyrov, went to barbecue, taking some alcohol with them, and met people from the detachment of the Wahhabi Arbi Baraev, who reproached them for their behavior inappropriate for Muslims. A quarrel broke out, and soon Baraev himself came to Gudermes at the head of his entire detachment. Sulim Yamadayev drove the Barayevites out of the city, inflicting heavy losses on them. By the way, the Minister of Defense of Ichkeria, Magomed Khambiev, then took the side of the Yamadayevs.
As a result, when Basayev's detachments invaded Dagestan in August 1999, Kadyrov not only refused to participate in a new war, he declared the areas under his control "a zone free from Wahhabism." For which Maskhadov immediately removed him from the post of mufti, simultaneously declaring him an enemy of the Chechen people, subject to immediate destruction.
Popularly elected
Akhmat-hadji was the most famous and influential of Maskhadov's former supporters, who went over to Moscow's side after the start of the second Chechen war. Kadyrov was received by Vladimir Putin, and the mufti managed to inspire confidence in himself from the acting. Russian President. Perhaps that is why Putin did not think long about the question of who to entrust Chechnya to. In June 2000, by presidential decree, Akhmat Kadyrov was appointed head of the provisional administration of the Chechen Republic.
The fact that Kadyrov would remain in the post of republican leader even after the transformation of the interim administration into a permanent one was hardly in doubt even among the most desperate skeptics. [...]
After Kadyrov. The people will not choose, Putin will choose
Dmitry Balburov, Denis Kirillov
[...] They tried to blow it up with the help of land mines and suicide bombers, poison it, shoot it with grenade launchers from an ambush and in a crowd of people. Failed assassination attempts gave rise to the illusion of invulnerability of the President of Chechnya, who repeatedly stressed that the guarantee of his security is that the guards are selected according to the kinship principle, and not professional. Like, people close by blood are more reliable than specialists. But even this did not save the Chechen president.
Enemy of my enemy
Akhmad Kadyrov became the interim head of the republic in May 2000, replacing Nikolai Koshman. This was preceded by several intensive consultations in the Kremlin with the then head of the presidential administration, Voloshin, and Putin himself. The Kremlin residents liked the former mufti for his sincere rejection and even hatred of the Wahhabis, as well as for the fact that he quarreled to death with separatist leaders Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev. Voloshin and Putin were chosen according to the principle "the enemy of my enemy is my friend."
One of the prominent figures of the "old" anti-Dudaev opposition, based in the Nadterechny district, Ruslan Martagov recalls: "Nikolai Koshman" broke through "the meeting of the delegation of heads of district administrations with Putin. They went to Moscow with a request to introduce direct presidential rule in Chechnya. Vladimir Vladimirovich them, seemed to understand, promised to treat their idea with maximum attention. After all, when there is a fire in the house, there is no time to choose the main extinguisher, a strong-willed decision is needed - you go right, you go left. And in one of the corridors of the Kremlin, the prefects came face to face with the former mufti. What is he doing here, to which Ahmad said nothing. And when they returned home, they learned the stunning news two or three weeks later: Kadyrov became their boss, there would be no direct presidential rule and there would be no state of emergency. All Chechens were clearly indicated that our opinion was of concern Moscow last.
Few people remember that Kadyrov's appointment was met with hostility not only by the separatists, but also by the federalists. The then deputy head of the interim administration of Chechnya, Yakub Deniyev, one of Dudayev's longtime and stubborn opponents, even called it "a slap in the face of the Chechen people" and defiantly resigned. 12 heads of district administrations wrote open letter protest to the Kremlin and, without waiting for an answer, were going to quit. Yakub Deniyev, Badrudi Dzhamalkhanov, Ruslan Martagov - figures of the anti-Dudaev opposition from the Nadterechny region - persuaded them not to do this, so as not to paralyze the beginning process of the economic restoration of the republic. However, the head of the Shelkovsky district, Anatoly Storozhenko, soon left after seeing Kadyrov's representatives. Storozhenko told his colleagues that he did not want to deal with "repainted militants", and a month later the second Russian prefect followed him - from the Naursky district. Even the Yamadayev brothers, who shortly before that had gone over to the side of the federals, were openly indignant, although at one time they were considered allies of the former mufti. Under their command was the largest Chechen armed group at that time, consisting of 2,000 militants.
One of the district prefects said: “In a confidential conversation in June 2000, I asked Ahmad-hadji whether he was going to command in the republic for a long time or just came to earn extra money. He pointed to a portrait of Putin on the wall and swore on the Koran: they say, until this man in the Kremlin, I'll be the boss here. The oath on the Koran impressed."
The reaction of the separatists was predictable. Back in 1999, Aslan Maskhadov declared Kadyrov a "national traitor," and after his appointment, Basayev assumed blood responsibility in the event of the murder of the former mufti by one of the Chechens.
general line
By and large, Akhmad Kadyrov did not suit anyone in Chechnya and some in the Kremlin, which, as figuratively expressed, "many towers." Kadyrov was Putin's personal creature at the suggestion of Voloshin, who organized their unscheduled meetings. But the federal center is not only the president.
What was the essence of the main claims against Kadyrov of the political, economic and military elites of Chechnya, each of which has high-ranking patrons in Moscow? At the beginning of his career at the helm of the republic, their discontent was largely caused by natural jealousy and the struggle for a place in the sun. The "old" anti-Dudayev opposition had been waging an armed struggle against the separatists for many years and rightly expected rewards for their steadfastness and loyalty to the federal center. However, it ended up with a broken trough, and now only Badrudi Jamalkhanov (an auditor in the Accounts Chamber) is more or less adequately employed among its leaders. Umar Avturkhanov, Beslan Gantemirov, Yakub Deniyev, Zaindi Choltaev, Ruslan Martagov are all just plain unemployed now.
The claims of the "Moscow" Chechens and yesterday's militants had a somewhat different plan: they were waiting not for a fee, but for an advance payment from the Kremlin, believing that they had no less rights to this than Akhmad Kadyrov. But the main thing that caused dissatisfaction and even enmity among figures who did not fall into the power bracket was Kadyrov's general line, which every year took on more and more concrete outlines. Recently, he has made no secret of the fact that he is growing a political heir from his youngest son Ramzan and will hand over the reins of government to him when it becomes indecent to remain in the presidential chair.
Ramzan Kadyrov has always been the hope and support of his father. A boxer-athlete, a tough, energetic and smart youngest son looked like the opposite of Zelimkhan's older brother, who, according to rumors, was too addicted to drugs to become a serious assistant to his father. Zelimkhan, with his unbridled antics, only added headaches to his father. All of Chechnya remembers the incident at a gas station in Gudermes in the summer of 1998, when a man died as a result of Zelimkhan's temper and Ahmad-hadzhi settled relations with the bloodlines for a long time. And in June last year, Zelimkhan "marked" himself already in Kislovodsk, together with two bodyguards, shooting and beating several local residents and policemen. A reinforced squad of law enforcement officers called sent the fighters to jail. Kadyrov Sr. used all his influence in law enforcement agencies to get his son out of there. Moreover, this incident almost turned into a major armed conflict in Grozny between the security service of the Chechen president and groups of the “old” anti-Dudaev opposition that did not obey him, which prevented the “Kadyrovites” from kidnapping FSB colonel Sergei Ushakov. They said that an intelligence officer was needed to exchange for Zelimkhan.
According to eyewitnesses, after this episode, the father forbade his son to leave Chechnya and left him, in fact, under house arrest in his family village of Tsentoroi. All this suggests that Ahmad-hadji did not count on Zelimkhan, but gradually transferred more and more of his own powers to the "decent" Ramzan.
At first, Ramzan was listed as the head of personal security, and as it increased, he became head of the presidential security service. Despite numerous complaints from the federal authorities, legal status these people have not yet been identified. After the assassination of Akhmad Kadyrov, Vladimir Putin made it clear that this army of 6,000 would not be reorganized in the future, let alone disbanded.
The Presidential Security Service (SBP) is the most powerful military structure in Chechnya after the federal grouping. Its commander, Ramzan Kadyrov, is, accordingly, one of the most influential people here. His father did not have time to grow a politician out of him, as Heydar Aliyev did from his son Ilham. But as a military commander, Ramzan is already an independent figure. Recruits have always been eager to join him, and after Putin's speech they will continue to do so. Mainly because a young person in today's Chechnya doesn't have much choice.
Kadyrov's appeal
The bloody chaos into which the republic plunged in 1999 is endless and global. During the years of the rule of Vladimir Putin and Akhmad Kadyrov, little has changed here. A young man cannot be on his own if he does not want to be defenseless in front of numerous bandits of unknown affiliation. The traditional mountain self-defense system - with the help of relatives, neighbors, friends - no longer helps, you have to join some kind of power structure. Or leave Chechnya.
There are few such structures: the local Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Chechen special forces GRU, the SBP, federal troops and irreconcilable separatists. It is a mistake to think that the avengers who have lost their relatives and friends as a result of "cleansings" go into the forest to the militants. In fact, there are fewer and fewer people who want to sip "mountain romance" every day - only those who have absolutely nothing to lose go there. The states of the Ministry of Internal Affairs have long been overcrowded, you can only get a job in a relative way or by giving a bribe. The GRU special forces will not be accepted even with a bribe - only proven people from the former anti-Dudaev opposition serve there. Chechens, for obvious reasons, do not want to serve under contract in the federal troops. The only thing left is SBP.
"Basically, it happens like this: a person comes to Ramzan and says that bloodlines or Wahhabis are after him, there is nowhere to go, take him to yourself. Ramzan's people will check whether he is lying or not. If everything is correct and the candidate really walks under death, then he is offered bring three more people, usually relatives.They give a certificate, a weapon, a salary, often a car, they say that now no one will touch you, but you must follow all orders.If something is wrong, then not only the recruit will be killed, but also three relatives. Those newcomers who are tightly tied with blood become the so-called "werewolves". They are entrusted with the physical destruction of Kadyrov's enemies and other "delicate" tasks. And where to go?" - says the source of "Focus" in Grozny.
He believes that the "Kadyrovites" took this method into service, convinced of its effectiveness in the execution of the GRU: "At the beginning of the war, the separatists missed a lot of militants, because the special services captured them in their homes, forcibly tied them up with blood or bribed them, filming it on video. The Wahhabis willingly sold each other: they did not yet understand that the second war was being waged much more seriously and more brutally than the first, especially in terms of dirty and vile tricks."
Managed Mess
With the death of Akhmad Kadyrov, the balance of military power in Chechnya remained virtually unchanged. As before, these are the federal troops, the SBP of Ramzan Kadyrov and the Chechen special forces of the GRU under the command of the deputy military commandant of the republic, Said-Magomed Kakiev. The forces of the separatists are extremely insignificant - according to the headquarters of the joint group of troops, they number no more than 1,500 militants, which is minuscule compared to the SBP alone. Many field commanders were killed - Khattab, Gelaev, Baraev, Tazabaev, Abu al-Walid, Mezhidov. Their people fled or went over to the side of the federals, like the current chief of staff of the SBP Artur Akhmadov and the head of security Sulima Yamadayev Abu Arsanukaev (by the way, he was not an ordinary militant, but the commander of the personal guard of the late Dzhokhar Dudayev). Only Maskhadov, Basaev, Chitigov, Umarov, Mashugov and a handful of unfinished thugs remain on the "other side", with whom none of the Chechens almost reckon. There are few separatists, and besides, they constantly quarrel and do not trust each other. An eyewitness to one of the rare meetings between Maskhadov and Basayev says: "They cross only on neutral territory, they are afraid to go to each other's camp. I was with Maskhadov's people, so the Arabs from Basayev's guard kept us at gunpoint all the time, and Maskhadov's kept them."
Rumors have recently appeared in Chechnya that Basayev threatened Maskhadov with death if he accepts Ramzan Kadyrov's proposal and capitulates honorably. The logic of "terrorist No. 1" is clear: with Maskhadov's departure, he will lose his last ally involuntarily and the support of the people. According to information leaking from the camp of the separatists, Aslan Maskhadov is almost ready to accept the conditions of Ramzan Kadyrov and the "Moscow" Chechens. He was offered unimpeded travel to any country and lifelong financial support to the family in an unspoken manner. One thing was required of Maskhadov: to finally make a televised call to stop armed resistance and switch to political methods of struggle, and also to admit that separatism in Chechnya had turned into terrorism. However, according to Ramzan Kadyrov, a certain special service prevented contacts by killing the negotiators in the mountains.
It would seem that all the real forces in Chechnya are controlled by Moscow in one way or another, why is blood continuously shed there? The SBP, the Chechen detachment of the GRU, the "Vostok" battalion of Sulim Yamadayev, the "West" battalion of Movlad Baisarov, many "special forces" and "commandant's companies" are constantly at war with each other, someone attacks the federal units and kidnaps people.
Ruslan Martagov says: "Once I talked with the then commander of the grouping of troops, General Moltensky. He admitted that there is still no unified command in Chechnya, everyone has their own bosses. If there is such confusion in the troops, then what to demand from the Chechens, many of whom were on opposite sides of the front? In Chechnya, there is a crisis controlled from Moscow. It is good or nothing about the dead, but it was Kadyrov who led the republic to this state of affairs."
System
Vladimir Putin said that the late Akhmad Kadyrov cared about the people first of all. However, our interlocutors from Chechnya think differently: bureaucratic system, created by him, was anti-people. First, no one was guaranteed security if he was not loyal to the president and was not a member of competing law enforcement agencies. Secondly, under the same conditions, no one had a livelihood. A source in the Chechen government told an instructive story about the appointment of Alu Alkhanov as Minister of the Interior. According to the law, the police chief of the region is appointed by the Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia in agreement with the local authorities. However, Kadyrov demanded the right to do it himself and even went into conflict with the then Interior Ministry chief Boris Gryzlov. While he "punched" his right with former head administration of President Alexander Voloshin, his apartments in the Moscow "President Hotel" were frequented by walkers - applicants for the ministerial chair. The Muscovite Alu Alkhanov acted smartest of all, says our interlocutor: he collected a suitcase of money, came to Grozny to Ramzan Kadyrov and solemnly swore allegiance on the Koran. Chechens seldom swear in this way, realizing responsibility, so the Kadyrovs were touched and appointed Alkhanov as the minister.
According to unspoken Chechen prices, a seat in the Federation Council costs $2 million, the chairman of the compensation commission - $1 million. According to rumors, the former senator Adnan Muzykaev, the son-in-law of the famous traveler Yuri Senkevich, got burned on this: he allegedly paid only $300,000, so in December last year resigned his senatorial powers. Not a single appointment, not a single trade deal, not a single payment, says a Chechen government source, went through without Ramzan Kadyrov's resolution. According to the source, only two people received a position bypassing Ramzan - Senator Umar Dzhabrailov and Prime Minister Sergei Abramov.
Applicants
At a meeting of the Open Forum club, an interesting thought was voiced: after the death of Akhmad Kadyrov, Vladimir Putin faced a choice, but not Chechen people. The military-political system created in Chechnya does not imply the free expression of the will of citizens, which was confirmed by the December presidential elections in the republic. But the local elites are ready to join the fight for the empty chair at any moment and are only waiting for a go-ahead from the Kremlin. True, in public speaking nobody admits it.
Who are these people and who is behind them? For the most part, they are last year's presidential candidates whom Moscow removed by force or bribery from Akhmad Kadyrov's path. Malik Saidulaev and Hussein Dzhabrailov seem to be the most realistic candidates.
Russian Lotto owner and millionaire Malik Saidulaev resisted Kremlin pressure to the last in December and withdrew from the presidential race only under threat of prosecution. Impressed by these "raids," Saidulaev even thought about selling the business and moving to Paris. It is believed that he is a creature and a great friend of the influential Sergei Yastrzhembsky. They say that a month before the vote, Saidulaev spent $5 million to organize a concert of Chechen folklore groups in the Rossiya Hall in order to appear, as if by chance, next to specially invited Lyudmila Putina. Seeing them side by side on TV, Kadyrov was furious and immediately flew to Moscow for proceedings.
Hussein Dzhabrailov long time found himself in the shadow of the famous brother Umar, the owner of a chain of hotels in Moscow. Hussein looks like a compromise figure that most of the Chechen elites can put up with, not only because of his Moscow registration, but also because of his origin: he is convenient for both Sufi tarikats of Chechnya - Naqshbandiya and Kadiriya. The younger Dzhabrailov is supported by Chief of the General Staff Anatoly Kvashnin, presidential aide Viktor Ivanov, the Chechen military, including Said-Magomed Kakiev, Beslan Gantemirov and many others.
As for brother Umar, he has no presidential ambitions. On the contrary, the businessman's entourage jokes that the Chechens are tired of the patron, they are a continuous problem. What is even worth the story of the assassination attempt on the vice-mayor of Moscow Ordzhonikidze, in which he allegedly participated cousin Umar Salavat Dzhabrailov.
Another real contender is presidential adviser, police general Aslambek Aslakhanov. He was suspected that he went to the elections in December solely in order to accept a good position in the presidential apparatus of Russia. Apparently, Aslakhanov does not have significant financial resources and connections at the top, like Saidulaev and Dzhabrailov, but fame and authority work for him in Chechnya, where generals are traditionally respected.
Dasaev occupied high post deputy head of department own security FSB, protégé of General Pronichev. One of the most closed characters in Chechen politics, even a mention of which is extremely rare in the press. It was Dasaev who was considered last year as an alternative to Kadyrov in case the main player leaves the field for some reason. He worked out a path similar to that of the current president of Ingushetia Murat Zyazikov - the position of deputy plenipotentiary representative of the Southern federal district as a springboard. Last autumn, Dasaev was expected at the embassy and at the regional operational headquarters in Grozny, but, apparently, something did not work at the last moment.
From this point of view, the appointment of Oleg Zhidkov as deputy plenipotentiary in the Southern Federal District, which happened immediately after the murder of Kadyrov, is interesting. Zhidkov is a native of Grozny, who is fluent in the Chechen language and knows the local specifics. In addition, he also comes from the organs - he served as deputy head of the KGB Directorate for the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, and in recent times he was the mayor of Grozny. "Few people remember Zhidkov in Chechnya," says our source. "But who knew Zyazikov? I do not rule out that the Kremlin group that put him in the presidency of Ingushetia will try to repeat this maneuver with Zhidkov here."
Most of our interlocutors from Chechnya hide their names. They say that in the system of "controlled chaos" created in the republic for last years, any person can disappear, regardless of position and family ties. The system absorbed one of its foremen. Architects are frantically looking for a replacement.
Fight for oil sovereignty
The oil and gas industry has played and continues to play the most significant role for the economy of Chechnya. At the end of last year, Akhmad Kadyrov announced serious intentions to fight the illegal circulation of oil and oil products in the republic, which would be quite logical - according to various estimates, in recent years up to 1 million tons of oil have been stolen in Chechnya annually, and about 30,000 people are involved in the illegal production of oil products.
Since 2001, the official production of oil and associated gas in Chechnya has been completely controlled by a subsidiary of Rosneft - Grozneftegaz (51% belongs to the company of Sergei Bogdanchikov, 49% - to the "pro-Putin" Chechen government). Rosneft owns licenses for the development of 21 Chechen fields. However, all the oil equipment used by Rosneft was never transferred to the company, but ended up on the balance sheet of the Federal State Unitary Enterprise Chechenneftekhimprom, created at the end of 2001 by the Ministry of Property, which was entrusted to supervise the Ministry of Energy.
Over the years of Rosneft's work, oil production in the republic (naturally, official) increased from 700,000 tons in 2001 to 1.78 million tons in 2003. Rosneft was allowed to send all Chechen oil for export, and from export proceeds the company was obliged to finance contract work to restore the Chechen oil and gas complex and make contributions to the Ministry of Energy for the development of the social sphere of the republic.
However, the strengthening of Kadyrov's power and the stabilization of the oil and gas complex (thanks to the activities of Rosneft) became the cause of the conflict. Local authorities led by Kadyrov began to insist on the need for an oil and gas company, control over which would belong to Grozny. Kadyrov accused Rosneft of inefficient use of funds received from the export of Chechen oil and insufficient work to restore oil and gas facilities and social infrastructure republics. As a result, last year creditors of Chechen enterprises, whose legal successor was Chechenneftekhimprom, began to demand payment of debts through the courts. As a result, by the beginning of 2004, the court seized part of Chechenneftekhimprom's property, which included 20 structural units used by Grozneftegaz, one of which was sold for debts at an auction. Rosneft applied to the Prosecutor General's Office with a request to solve this problem. However, according to market participants, local authorities played a significant role in the fate of this issue. "Before Kadyrov's death, the problems of Chechenneftekhimprom and Grozneftegaz began to be resolved. The seizure of the property was partially lifted, and they promised not to put it up for auction again," said a Focus source close to the process. It is quite possible that the new president of Chechnya will again raise the issue of the need to create a national oil company.
We selected from it key facts about the ruler of Chechnya
Fact 1. Fought on the side of the militants against the Russian army
On December 11, 1994, Russian President Boris Yeltsin signed a decree on the commissioning of military units to the territory of Chechnya to restore constitutional order.
In 1995, Akhmat Kadyrov declared Russia a "holy war" - jihad, that is, in fact, he called on Muslims to kill all infidels.
Kadyrov Sr. said: “There are a million Chechens, and 150 million Russians. If every Chechen kills 150 Russians, we will win.”
Ramzan Kadyrov admitted: “We do not hide this fact that we fought against Russia. I also fought in the first war, everyone knows about it. For the first time I picked up a machine gun when I was not even seventeen years old.
Fact 2.
Seized power in Chechnya after the murder of his father
In August 1999, the second Chechen war began. The main ally of the Kremlin in this confrontation was Akhmat Kadyrov. Together with his father, Ramzan went over to the side of the federal forces.
Formally, he commanded a platoon of a PPS company of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, but in fact he became the head of his father's security service and received about a thousand fighters who fought against the Russians yesterday, but were amnestied.
After the assassination of Akhmat Kadyrov on May 9, 2004 at the Dynamo stadium in Grozny, Ramzan began a struggle for power in Chechnya.
Other possible contenders for high positions also died in that terrorist attack.
Kadyrov later stated that those involved in the crime "were destroyed", but their names and evidence of guilt were never released.
Ramzan entered into a confrontation with the new president of Chechnya, Alu Alkhanov, who was elected on August 29, 2004. On November 18, 2005, the car of the prime minister of the republic, Sergei Abramov, rammed a Kamaz, Kadyrov took his seat in March 2006 and continued to pursue security officials loyal to the Chechen president.
In February 2007, Putin accepted Alkhanov's resignation, and on March 2, 2007, Kadyrov officially headed Chechnya.
Fact 3.
Enemies of Kadyrov are being killed
With those who did not justify the trust, Ramzan did not stand on ceremony. Former separatist Umar Israilov fled to Europe and spoke publicly about the crimes of his former boss.
It was about kidnappings and torture in 2003-2005.
According to the fugitive, sometimes after dinner Kadyrov came to a secret prison where those suspected of involvement in the armed underground were kept, and “for dessert” personally tortured the prisoners.”
In 2009, Ismailov was shot dead in Vienna outside a grocery store.
The former bodyguard of Akhamat Kadyrov and the commander of the Highlander detachment, Movladi Baysarov, accused Ramzan of usurping power.
“Kadyrov wants everyone to obey and worship him. He is Bai, he is the most important. Ramzan has some Asian manners, ”Baysarov said in an interview with the Moscow News newspaper in October 2006. By his decision, Kadyrov disbanded the Highlander detachment and demanded its disarmament.
On November 18, 2006, Baisarov was shot dead in Moscow by fighters of the Chechen Interior Ministry, controlled by Kadyrov.
“You stood between the Chechens. You are the enemy. You are worse than Basayev,” Ramzan Kadyrov told Novaya Gazeta journalist Anna Politkovskaya in June 2004.
Politkovskaya wrote about detachments of armed Kadyrovites who are involved in kidnappings, murders, torture, and "have long been equal in cruelty to death squads."
On October 7, 2006, Anna Politkovskaya was killed in the entrance of her house in Moscow. Two days before her death, on the day of Kadyrov's 30th birthday, Politkovskaya spoke on the air of Radio Liberty. She called Kadyrov "a coward armed to the teeth, who sits surrounded by guards."
The journalist stressed that her goal is a criminal case against Kadyrov and his arrest.
Officially, the search for the person responsible for the murder of Anna Politkovskaya continues to this day - the case has been moved to a separate proceeding. Kadyrov was not interrogated in the case.
In 2009, Memorial employee Natalia Estemirova was kidnapped in Grozny. Her body was later found with bullet wounds to the head and chest.
The head of Memorial, Oleg Orlov, said: “I know who is responsible for the murder of Estemirova. We all know this person. His name is Ramzan Kadyrov. He threatened Natalya, insulted, considered her his personal enemy.
Opposition leader Boris Nemtsov has systematically criticized Kadyrov's actions and the inaction of law enforcement agencies against him. Kadyrov reacted irritably to such criticism both to himself and to President Putin.
“Those who criticize Putin are non-humans, my personal enemies. As long as Putin supports me, I can do everything, Allah Akbar!” he said in an interview with Newsweek magazine.
Boris Nemtsov was killed on February 27, 2015 in the center of Moscow, next to the Kremlin. The killer overtook him on the Bolshoi Moskvoretsky Bridge and shot him six times in the back. Five bullets hit the target. Nemtsov died on the spot.
Fact 4.
Established a regime of personal power in Chechnya
Kadyrov's power in the republic is virtually unlimited. “We have no opposition, this system was invented to undermine the government. I won't let you play with the people," Kadyrov said.
none Political Party, except for United Russia, in fact does not conduct activities on the territory of the republic. Control over the elections is not possible due to fears of independent observers for their own safety.
The only critics of the Kadyrov regime in Chechnya are human rights activists, who constantly receive threats of physical violence and are attacked.
June 3, 2015 new office Committee, the apartment of human rights defenders and their official car were destroyed.
This was done by masked men armed with sledgehammers who came from a rally in the city center organized by Kadyrov.
The Committee Against Torture announced the closure of the office in Grozny due to concerns for the safety of employees.
Fact 5.
Considers Sharia law above the laws of Russia
In 2010, Kadyrov publicly stated that "Sharia is above the laws of Russia" and "enemies of Islam must be destroyed."
In 2009, he opened the Center for Islamic Medicine in Grozny, which specializes in expelling "genies" from people.
In the spring of 2015, the head of Chechnya personally gave the 47-year-old head of the Nozhai-Yurt District Department of Internal Affairs, Nazhud Guchigov, permission to marry 17-year-old Luiza Goylabieva.
According to journalist Elena Milashina, the underage girl was married against her will.
In a conversation with Milashina, Guchigov confirmed that he was already married, which means that his new marriage was contrary to the laws of the Russian Federation.
The mass unsettledness of young Chechens against the backdrop of the Islamization of the republic creates ideal ground for recruiters from organizations of a radical Muslim persuasion.
Fact 6.
Kadyrov is one of the most titled politicians in Russia
By the age of 39, Kadyrov had collected a whole collection of regalia and awards.
On the chest of the former militant, for example, the star of the Hero of Russia, the Order of Courage and the Order of Merit for the Fatherland flaunt. The total number of state awards for the head of Chechnya has exceeded sixty.
Fact 7.
Leading a luxurious life on taxpayer money
From 2001 to 2014, more than 464 billion rubles were allocated from the state budget of Russia to Chechnya in the form of subsidies, subventions and subsidies.
The funds that Chechnya receives from Moscow are not saved in the republic: Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov called Chechnya a champion in wastefulness.
He drew attention to the fact that the vehicle fleet of Chechen officials is about half of the vehicle fleet of officials in total. North Caucasus, and the cost of maintaining officials in Chechnya is twice as high as in Russia.
Kadyrov, on the other hand, believes that the money allocated to the republic is not enough.
“We have claims. We are in debt, we took loans, everything that is possible, ”Kadyrov said in an interview with the Russian News Service.
In addition to funds from Russian budget, serious financial resources are accumulated in the Akhmat Kadyrov Foundation.
Formally, it is headed by the mother of Ramzan Kadyrov. main feature Fund - opacity. The latest public data refers to 2013: then the fund's accounts were 1.45 billion rubles. Information about the fund's receipts in open sources missing.
According to the charter, the task of the Kadyrov Foundation is to implement social projects and help people who find themselves in a difficult life situation.
Here are some known expenses of the organization:
a watch worth 100,000 euros presented by Kadyrov to stylist Sergei Zverev;
a Porsche Cayenne for 250,000 euros, presented by Kadyrov to TV presenter Yana Rudkovskaya;
a fee of 1 million euros to Diego Maradona for participating in a football match with Kadyrov;
a fee of 2 million to Mike Tyson, who flew to Chechnya for a friendly sparring with Kadyrov;
a fee of 1 million euros to actress Hilary Swank, who flew to Grozny to congratulate Kadyrov on his birthday.
Fact 8.
Kadyrov's private army has 30,000 fighters
The total number of armed "Kadyrovites", according to experts, is approaching thirty thousand people. A significant part of them are formally employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation or employees of the internal troops of Russia.
In fact, the armed formations operating on the territory of Chechnya do not depend on the federal authorities and are loyal only to the President of Chechnya.
IN Russian regions there are criminal gangs formed by Chechen bandits.
Fact 9.
Prepares young Kadyrovites
Kadyrov devotes considerable attention to training new personnel for his army, and new fighters are recruited in Chechnya from a very young age.
The Young Fortress project operates on the territory of the republic, which in fact is a training camp for juvenile militants.
In the barracks, teenagers from dysfunctional families live and train, who are trained to fight and kill.
In 2009, on the air of Grozny TV, documentary about the camp.
The footage shows 12-year-old children collectively praying, chanting “Allahu Akbar”, marching on the parade ground and firing military weapons under the supervision of Kadyrov.
Fact 10.
Distributed important posts to relatives and friends
Ramzan's nephew Islam Kadyrov heads the administration of the head of Chechnya, and his cousin Abubakar Edelgeriev heads the government of Chechnya.
The Kadyrov sisters supervise social sphere republics: Zulay Kadyrova is the deputy head of the administration of the head of the republic, and Zargan Kadyrova is in charge of preschool education.
The right hand of the head of Chechnya is his cousin, the current deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the United Russia party, Adam Delimkhanov.
Kadyrov says he is "the closest friend, more than a brother" and calls him his potential successor. During the first Chechen war, Delimkhanov fought on the side of the separatists and was the personal driver of the terrorist Salman Raduev.
Another official close to Kadyrov is Magomed Daudov, nicknamed Lord. It is believed that it was he who liquidated the organizer of the terrorist attack on May 9, 2004, in which Akhmat Kadyrov died. Daudov has the title of Hero of Russia.
Fact 11.
Has influential patrons from Moscow
One of Kadyrov's most influential friends in Moscow is General Viktor Zolotov, who enjoys great confidence in Vladimir Putin.
Among Kadyrov's patrons, Vladislav Surkov stands out, who from 1999 to 2011 oversaw domestic politics in the presidential administration.
From the moment Kadyrov came to power, Surkov advised him and helped build his own political regime.
Fact 12.
Doesn't obey anyone
“Chechnya has become almost an independent state with one exception: Russian money.
Kadyrov managed to close the problems on himself, but in return he demanded and received huge powers.
Accordingly, now the federal center depends on Kadyrov,” explains political scientist Dmitry Oreshkin. “This is an “inside-out empire”, when it is not the mother country that dictates its interests, but, on the contrary, the colony holds the mother country by the throat and knocks out as much money as it needs.”
“I officially declare: if without your knowledge appears on your territory, it does not matter whether a Muscovite or Stavropol in, open fire to kill ", Kadyrov ordered the Chechen security forces in April 2015.
De facto, Kadyrov won the right to stand above Russian laws, creating the threat of unleashing new war in the Caucasus if his appetites and demands are not satisfied.
Today, the head of Chechnya publicly recognizes the power of only one person - Vladimir Putin.
But in practice, the President of the Russian Federation is not in a position to force his Chechen appointee to submit to the vertical of power.
Fact 13.
Chechens flee from Kadyrov to ISIS
Kadyrov, as a rule, justifies his actions, which are contrary to the law, by the need to resist terrorists. However, the terrorists have established a full-fledged channel for transporting Islamists recruited from Chechnya to the territories of the Middle East controlled by ISIS.
In 2013, it became known that the daughter of the head of the Chechen Federal Migration Service, Asu Dudurkaeva, joined the ranks of Islamic militants in Syria.
One of the key reasons why young Chechens are inclined to support Middle Eastern terrorists is the specifics of Kadyrov's political regime and its course towards the Islamization of the republic, albeit in a peculiar interpretation that contradicts the norms of Islam.
“Chechens are often sent to live in ISIS, and not just to fight. They are running from Kadyrov. The way to Europe is closed for such people, and they are forced to seek refuge in Syria,” says Elena Milashina, a Novaya Gazeta journalist.
I do not understand why the question sounds "was"? He is still a bandit. The wording "the Caucasus has its own laws" apparently means one of two things - either Kadyrov is a bandit, since he allows himself to publicly threaten someone, or Chechnya is outside Russian jurisdiction (that is, it considers itself a sovereign state of "Ichkeria"). The third is not given, no matter how much the Kremlin officials would like to invent it.
From the DPNI website
7 facts about the "simple Ramzan"
"Some call me a bandit,
some business executive,
and I am a simple Ramzan"
7 facts about the "simple Ramzan":
1) First Chechen war Ramzan Akhmatovich Kadyrov fought on the side of the militants, was a field commander of the junior level. Marked by President Aslan Maskhadov and awarded the Order "Hero of Ichkeria". In 2000, he betrayed Ichkeria. In 2004 he received the title of "Hero Russian Federation from another president.
2) After the death of his father, Akhmat-hadji Kadyrov, he became the head of the ruling clan. By March 2007, Ramzan Kadyrov's "personal guard" consisted of: detachments of the Security Council, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, OMON, four battalions of internal troops - a total of about 30,000 guns. Up to 70% of employees are amnestied militants. All leadership positions are held by former field commanders. "These units will only carry out their own tasks. What is unknown" (c) Mikhail Babich, ex-premier of Chechnya
3) On the territory of Chechnya, Kadyrov's militants are inviolable. Since 2006, "law enforcement" bodies of Chechnya began to carry out raids outside the republic. In St. Petersburg, this ended in a shootout, kidnapping and torture, in Kislovodsk - capture, in Moscow - murder. The court in all three cases fully acquitted the bandits, "for lack of corpus delicti."
4) Within the framework of the program "a Chechen is always right, and therefore innocent", an agreement was concluded with the Russian government, according to which all imprisoned Chechens must be returned to the territory of Chechnya.
5) Ramzan Kadyrov demanded that all those accused of committing crimes on the territory of Chechnya (that is, all Russian soldiers) be tried by an "independent" Chechen court. The demonstration trial of officers Arakcheev and Khudyakov has already begun.
6) Ramzan Kadyrov promised to intervene and "defend rights" in all conflicts on Russian territory in which Chechens participate. Protection of rights implies the departure of a motorcade with former militants (now - police officers) to the place.
7) Ramzan Kadyrov today became one of the leaders of the United Russia party
On the territory of Russia, a wild, independent, criminal enclave has developed and entrenched itself. Each representative of which has full immunity on the territory of Russia. To support this regime, 10,000,000,000 rubles are annually allocated from the Russian budget for "restoration", another 8 billion will be allocated as "compensation". But even this is not enough - "simple Ramzan" demands to give him control over the oil industry and at the same time recognize Chechnya as a special economic zone (that is, a giant laundry for criminal money).
And now clearly realize: in comparison with any inhabitant of the Chechen Republic, you are now nothing and no one. He can spit in your face, set fire to your house or cut off your daughter's ears - in the worst case, he will be returned to Chechnya. And a special cynicism is that all this was done on our taxes, by the legally elected president of Chechnya, a representative of the ruling party, "United Russia", the hero of Russia Ramzan Akhmatovich Kadyrov.
2 Kiyomasa KATO
He does not promise, but hints that they will kill him.
This is because they are not bandits, simply "the Caucasus has its own laws." 8)
But if they are hinted that other places also have their own laws, then appeals to federal legislation immediately begin.
Pure double standards.
Strange, but why WAS?
There was his father, and this apple oh how surpassed that apple tree.
In Rostov, there are still legends about how dad used to walk in restaurants, how they made "rains" of hundreds of dollars. And my son, with his Hamer, arranged chaos on the roads, in his youth.
The question is probably not whether it was. The question is, how many people like him are now working with acne in Russia, whom we worship? After all, if he is the GDP as a son of his own, then who is the GDP then? Apparently, its roof. And if some Kasparov ran into his son? And there will be murder, and there will be glory, similar to the glory of Politkovskaya.
Let me explain why I ask - Kasparov called him that publicly. In response, the speaker of the People's Assembly of the Republic, Dukvakha Abdurakhmanov, said: “The deputies are outraged by the trick of Kasparov, who allowed himself to publicly insult the President of the Chechen Republic, Ramzan Kadyrov ... A little later, in an interview with Ekho Moskvy, Abdurakhmanov said: “He should be in prison. consideration of a lawsuit against the leader of the UHF would satisfy the members of the republican parliament. If we do not achieve the consequences we want through federal legislation, we will resort to other measures,” Abdurakhmanov said. “The Caucasus allows this, the Caucasus has its own laws, and Kasparov will be punished.”
Are they promising to kill Kasparov?
By the way, if we consider the shadows, then the first and second photos are very similar to the montage.
The first is almost 100% installation ...
Wizard,
perhaps you are not a citizen of the Russian Federation (like me), and you are not very familiar with the pre-election affairs in this country. Just in case, I'll let you know: Kasparov's "party member" is not allowed to participate in the elections, so your considerations are devoid of any foundation.
And Kadyrov, of course, is not a bandit, but a Hero of Russia (he also has a certificate).
I think that it is necessary to evaluate not only by what "he is doing now." That way, arguing that Hitler, who was digging up the beds in May of the 45th, should have been pardoned and released back to the dacha ...
For several years now, Chechnya has been successfully extorting astronomical sums from the federal center, which go to no one knows where (that is, it is known, of course, but it is not customary to talk about it). Return about "restoration" and "assistance" - I do not accept, because. hundreds of thousands of Russian refugees who left Chechnya in what their mother gave birth BEFORE the hostilities - this money does not fall. All funding goes exclusively into the pocket of "former" militants.
2 simple
>
>
This is not a question of psychology and / or faith - it is a matter of compliance with the Criminal Code and the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Only.
As the unforgettable Gleb Zheglov aptly put it:
A THIEF SHOULD SIT IN JAIL.
And, I will add: and the killer should sit in the electric chair.
"Hero of Russia" R.A. Kadyrov deserved, if not a death sentence, then at least a life sentence. In sunny Magadan.
I agree - the first one is mounted. This is Kadyrov in Dagestan, catching Basaev there.
2 simple
>This is a matter of psychology. What he firmly believes in is hard to say.
>The key is what he does today, that's my opinion.
The key word is what he does and how, not what he believes in.
Anyone who is interested can read "Crime and Punishment" if the school did not understand what it was about.
Andryusha also firmly believed that he had the right and "cleanses the world of filth." That's why he slashed the old woman on the head with an axe.
And the talk about "piously believes" and psychology, so it's all imposed by propaganda in order to justify the necessary freaks and bandits.
Under these conversations, Lenin is not a bandit, and Stalin and Beria are great fellows and Pavlik Morozov is a hero ...
Now there, with the help of brainwashing, they will send today's (yesterday's) bandits and make you thank them and smile.
I think a lot of people are too addicted to watching TV and still believe in good/bad politicians..
2 Roman Leibov
Alas, I am a citizen of the Russian Federation 8)
And that's why I don't know much about pre-election affairs 8)
Thank you for enlightening me about the elections 8))
And who is Makhno, the bandit? He fought for the freedom of his country from the USSR (before that, western Urkaina was on the territory of Poland and they were not under the Soviets and did not want to be). This is a matter of psychology. What he firmly believes in is hard to say. Maybe psychology has changed. There was a long enough period for amnesties. The question is not about the past, but about the present.
He now believes in what he does. If he was a bandit, repented and goes the other way, this can positively affect others, also in terms of amnesty, people can believe that it is possible to open up and live without stigma.
The key is what he does today, that's my opinion.
I don’t know if it’s possible to call bandits people who defended their families with weapons in their hands?
I remember on TV they showed the solemn signing of the federal treaty - there were no Chechnya at this signing
If the whole country fell apart - and a new federal state was formed proudly called the Russian Federation - and one of these parts of the federal state did not want to sign the agreement - then it cannot be forcibly annexed - otherwise the whole meaning of this federal agreement is lost -
Therefore, Kadyrov had every right to defend his freedom with weapons in his hands - and to protect his family
And calling him a bandit is wrong - we resent the Balts who distort history, however, we apply "double standards" to our own recent history
As for Kasparov, on the eve of the elections, their "party member" is trying in any way to increase his rating in the eyes of the people - and he chose the most predictable - the Chechens
I have Chechen friends - they start up with half a turn 8)
The first president of the Chechen Republic Akhmat (Akhmat-Khadzhi) Abdulkhamidovich Kadyrov was born on August 23, 1951 in the city of Karaganda of the Kazakh SSR (now the Republic of Kazakhstan), where his family was deported in 1944. He came from a religious family, his father and five uncles were religious figures . In April 1957, the Kadyrov family returned to the village of Tsentoroy, Shalinsky District, Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
After graduating from high school, Akhmat Kadyrov completed courses as a combine driver in the village of Kalinovskaya, Naursky district.
From 1969 to 1971, he worked at the Novogroznensky rice-growing state farm in the Gudermes region of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, in 1971-1980. - in construction organizations in the Non-Black Earth and Siberia.
In 1980, in the direction of the Gudermes Cathedral Mosque, Akhmat Kadyrov entered the Bukhara Madrasah. In 1982 he continued his studies at the Tashkent Islamic Institute. After graduating from the institute, from 1986 to 1988 he worked as deputy imam of the Gudermes Cathedral Mosque.
In 1989, Akhmat Kadyrov opened the first Islamic Institute in the North Caucasus and was its rector until the outbreak of hostilities in Chechnya in 1994.
In 1990, he entered the Sharia Faculty of the Amman Islamic University (Jordan). In connection with the events of 1991, he interrupted his studies and returned to his homeland, where, after the independence of the republic was declared in the fall of 1991, he became an active figure in the spiritual administration (muftiyat) of the Chechen Republic.
In 1993 he was appointed deputy, in September 1994 - acting mufti of the Chechen Republic.
In 2001, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, Akhmat Kadyrov was awarded the Order of Friendship of Peoples.
In 2001, Kadyrov graduated from the Faculty of Economics of the Institute of Management and Business (Makhachkala). In 2003 he defended his dissertation for the degree of candidate of political sciences on the topic "Russian-Chechen conflict: genesis, essence, solutions" at the Institute of Social and Political Sciences Russian Academy Sciences.
On May 9, 2004, Akhmat Kadyrov died as a result of a terrorist act at the Dynamo stadium in Grozny during the celebration of Victory Day. An explosive device, the power of which was over 1000 grams of TNT, was planted under the podium for honored guests. He was buried in the family village of Tsentoroy.
By decree of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Akhmat Abdulkhamidovich Kadyrov was posthumously awarded the title "Hero of the Russian Federation" "for the courage and heroism shown in the revival of the Chechen Republic and in the fight against terrorism."
Taking into account the outstanding contribution of Akhmat Kadyrov to the revival of the Chechen Republic and the fight against terrorism, the President of the Russian Federation signed a decree "On perpetuating the memory of Akhmat Kadyrov."
The central streets of all large cities and regional centers of the Chechen Republic were named after Akhmat Kadyrov. Dozens of schools, squares and parks in the cities and villages of Chechnya bear the name of Akhmat Kadyrov. Kadyrov Street is located in the South Butovo district in Moscow.
In the capital of the Chechen Republic, Grozny, the main square, avenue, public garden, park of culture and recreation, cathedral mosque, Suvorov School, gymnasium number 1 are named after Akhmat Kadyrov. There is a museum named after Kadyrov in Grozny. In the village of Beno-Yurt, a kindergarten was named after Kadyrov, in the center of the city of Achkhoy-Martan - an amusement park, in the village of Vedeno - a relic linden park, in the Naursky district - a construction team, in the village of Tsentoroi - the Cadet Corps.
The name of Kadyrov bears the highest spiritual educational institution - the Kurchaloy Institute named after Akhmat-Khadzhi Kadyrov, the 248th separate special motorized battalion of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia (Grozny).
Since 2006 football club"Terek" is called "Terek Grozny named after A. A. Kadyrov."
In 2007, in Rostov-on-Don, at the initiative of the Governor of the Rostov Region Vladimir Chub, one of the motor ships of the Donrechflot company was named after Akhmat Kadyrov.
In honor of Akhmat Kadyrov, a white supergiant star from the constellation Leo is named. A regional public fund named after Akhmat Kadyrov has been created and is actively working.
The highest insignia in Chechnya is the Order of Kadyrov, which holders of this award wear on top of other orders and medals.
Akhmat Kadyrov had four children - two daughters and two sons. The eldest son, Zelimkhan (b. 1974), died on May 31, 2004.
The youngest son, Ramzan Kadyrov (born 1976), was approved in 2007 for the post of President of the Chechen Republic, since 2011 he has been the head of the Chechen Republic.
The material was prepared on the basis of information from open sources