The Ugra is a left tributary of the Oka, it flows through the territory of the Kaluga and Smolensk regions. In 1480, this river was destined to become famous thanks to a battle that never took place. They say that the reason for this was the indecisiveness of the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III Vasilyevich, who hid during the military campaign in Kolomna while the Russian army was led by his son, Ivan the Young.
Plans of Khan Akhmat
The stand on the Ugra River lasted from October 8 to November 11, 1480. Khan Akhmat led a huge army to force Rus' to again pay tribute to the Mongol-Tatars. The troops of the Grand Duchy of Moscow advanced to meet him. Both military forces stood opposite each other for more than a month, but things did not go beyond small skirmishes. Fearing defeat, almost simultaneously the two armies dispersed peacefully, without ever engaging in a decisive battle.
This outcome of the confrontation was beneficial Ivan III, since from that moment Rus' was freed from the Mongol-Tatar yoke. However, by that time the Golden Horde no longer existed. The once powerful state split into several separate countries. The Crimean and Kazan khanates declared their sovereignty, and the Nogais also ceased to obey the former rulers. In the lower reaches of the Volga and the foothills of the Caucasus, the so-called Great Horde still existed. Since 1471, this fragment of the formerly great state was single-handedly headed by Akhmat, the youngest son of Khan Kichi-Muhammad.
The new ruler planned to return the lost lands and former greatness, restoring the Golden Horde. In 1472, he undertook his first campaign against Rus', which ended in failure. The troops of the Moscow principality did not allow the invaders to cross the Oka, stopping the offensive. Khan Akhmat realized that he was not yet ready for a big battle. He decided to gather strength and then return to Russian soil.
Then all the attention of the ruler of the Great Horde switched to the Crimean Khanate, which he tried to subjugate. And only in the summer of 1480, Khan Akhmat moved towards Moscow, having secured a promise of military assistance from Casimir IV, who was simultaneously the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania.
Another circumstance that contributed to the attack on Rus' was the civil strife that began between Ivan III and his brothers: Andrei Bolshoi and Boris Volotsky. The Tatars were going to take advantage of the fact that there was no unity among Russians.
Dynastic struggle
Most historians positively assess the results of the activities of Ivan III Vasilyevich (1440-1505), under whom the country freed itself from the Mongol-Tatar yoke, and Moscow established itself as the capital of the Russian lands. This ruler proclaimed himself the sovereign of all Rus'. However, his brothers did not like this rise of the prince.
The first wife of Ivan III, Princess Maria Borisovna of Tver, died in her youth, giving birth to the wife of a legal heir, who remained in history as Ivan the Young (he received this nickname because he was his father’s namesake). A few years after the death of his first wife, the Grand Duke of Moscow married Sophia Paleologus, the niece of the last Byzantine emperor Constantine XI. The new Grand Duchess gave birth to her wife five sons, as well as four daughters.
Naturally, two parties formed in the ruling circles: one stood up for Ivan the Young, and the other for Vasily, who was the eldest son of the second wife of the Grand Duke. The chronicles of various Russian cities even mention three high-ranking supporters of Sophia Paleologus: the princely guards Grigory Mamon and Ivan Oshera, as well as the equerry Vasily Tuchko.
Shelter in Kolomna
Being a skilled diplomat and negotiator, skillfully selecting personnel, Ivan III was not distinguished by personal courage. During Khan Akhmat's first campaign against Rus' in 1472, the Grand Duke stayed in Kolomna with his personal guard. He not only did not honor the troops with his presence, but also left Moscow, because he believed that the Tatars would win and then ruin the rebellious capital. The prince valued his safety above all else.
So in June 1480, as soon as he heard about the campaign being prepared in the Great Horde, Ivan III - out of habit - decided to sit out the hostilities in Kolomna. Residents of Moscow hoped for their prince, who was supposed to lead the fight against the invaders. But he took only a wait-and-see attitude. The troops were led towards the Tatars by the ruler’s heir, Ivan the Young, who was helped by his uncle, the appanage prince Andrei Menshoi.
In September 1480, the troops of Khan Akhmat crossed the Oka River in the Kaluga region, the invaders decided to pass through the lands that were then under the control of the Lithuanian crown. The Tatars freely reached the banks of the Ugra, beyond which the possessions of the Moscow prince began. Having learned about this, Ivan III thought that it was unsafe to remain in Kolomna, and on September 30 he returned to Moscow under the official pretext of an urgent meeting with the boyars. The aforementioned supporters of Sophia Paleologus - Vasily Tuchko, Ivan Oshchera, Grigory Mamon and a number of other boyars - began to convince the ruler that victory over the Tatars was impossible. They believed that the best thing in this situation would be to flee to save their own lives. Ivan III listened to the advice of the boyars. He settled in Krasnoye Selets, located north of Moscow, and sent his wife with children and treasury even further - to Beloozero, where the appanage prince Mikhail Vereisky ruled. Muscovites were upset by this behavior of their ruler.
Ivan III also worried about his eldest son, ordering him to leave the area of possible hostilities in order to avoid death. But Ivan the Young disobeyed his father. He declared that he must be with his army and repel the enemy.
Meanwhile, the people began to demand decisive steps from the prince in order to protect Russian lands. It is known that around October 15-20, Ivan III received a message from Rostov Archbishop Vassian with a call to show courage and fortitude. As a result, the prince nevertheless left his refuge, but never reached the area of the proposed battle, remaining with his guards in the town of Kremenets (the village of Kremenskoye, Kaluga region).
They stood and went their separate ways
Khan Akhmat did not take any active action, as he was awaiting the approach of the Polish-Lithuanian army of Casimir IV. But he never fulfilled his promise, because he was busy repelling the troops of the Crimean Khan Mengli I Giray, who attacked Podolia in agreement with the Russians. In addition, the squads of the rebellious brothers of Ivan III - Boris Volotsky and Andrei Bolshoi - rushed to the aid of the army of the Moscow principality. Forgetting about personal differences in difficult times, the appanage princes united their troops for a common cause.
Knowing that the entire army of Khan Akhmat was standing on the Ugra, the cautious and prudent Ivan III sent a mobile sabotage group behind enemy lines. It included Zvenigorod troops under the command of governor Vasily Nozdrevaty, as well as a detachment of the Crimean prince Nur-Devlet, sent by his father to help the Russian allies. In such a situation, Khan Akhmat did not dare to fight. He led his army home, along the way plundering and destroying 12 cities that belonged to the Lithuanian crown: Mtsensk, Kozelsk, Serpeisk and others. This was revenge on Casimir IV for not keeping his word.
Thus, Ivan III gained the glory of the collector of Russian lands. But the fate of Ivan the Young turned out to be sad. The legal heir died in 1490 under unclear circumstances. There were rumors that he was poisoned by supporters of Sophia Paleologus. The dynastic struggle was won by her son Vasily Ivanovich.
In the late autumn of 1480, the Great Stand on the Ugra ended. It is believed that after this there was no more Mongol-Tatar yoke in Rus'.
Insult
The conflict between the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III and the Khan of the Great Horde Akhmat arose, according to one version, due to non-payment of tribute. But a number of historians believe that Akhmat received tribute, but went to Moscow because he did not wait for the personal presence of Ivan III, who was supposed to receive the label for the great reign. Thus, the prince did not recognize the authority and power of the khan.
Akhmat should have been especially offended by the fact that when he sent ambassadors to Moscow to ask for tribute and quitrents for the past years, the Grand Duke again did not show due respect. In the “Kazan History” it is even written like this: “the Grand Duke was not afraid... taking the basma, spat on it, broke it, threw it to the ground and trampled under his feet.” Of course, such behavior of the Grand Duke is difficult to imagine, but a refusal to recognize Akhmat’s power followed.
The Khan's pride is confirmed in another episode. In Ugorshchina, Akhmat, who was not in the best strategic position, demanded that Ivan III himself come to the Horde headquarters and stand at the ruler’s stirrup, waiting for a decision to be made.
Women's participation
But Ivan Vasilyevich was concerned about his own family. People did not like his wife. Having panicked, the prince first of all saves his wife: “Ivan sent Grand Duchess Sophia (a Roman, as the chroniclers say) along with the treasury to Beloozero, giving orders to go further to the sea and ocean if the khan crosses the Oka,” wrote historian Sergei Solovyov. However, the people were not happy about her return from Beloozero: “Grand Duchess Sophia ran from the Tatars to Beloozero, but no one chased her away.”
Brothers, Andrei Galitsky and Boris Volotsky, rebelled, demanding to divide the inheritance of their deceased brother, Prince Yuri. Only when this conflict was resolved, not without the help of his mother, could Ivan III continue the fight against the Horde. In general, “women’s participation” in standing on the Ugra is great. If you believe Tatishchev, then it was Sophia who persuaded Ivan III to accept historic decision. The victory in the Stoanion is also attributed to the intercession of the Mother of God.
By the way, the amount of the required tribute was relatively low - 140,000 altyn. Khan Tokhtamysh, a century earlier, collected almost 20 times more from the Vladimir principality.
No savings were made when planning defense. Ivan Vasilyevich gave the order to burn the settlements. Residents were relocated inside the fortress walls.
There is a version that the prince simply paid off the khan after the Standing: he paid one part of the money on the Ugra, and the second after the retreat. Beyond the Oka, Andrei Menshoy, brother of Ivan III, did not attack the Tatars, but gave a “way out.”
Indecisiveness
The Grand Duke refused to take active action. Subsequently, his descendants approved of his defensive position. But some contemporaries had a different opinion.
At the news of Akhmat's approach, he panicked. The people, according to the chronicle, accused the prince of endangering everyone with his indecision. Fearing assassination attempts, Ivan left for Krasnoe Seltso. His heir, Ivan the Young, was with the army at that time, ignoring his father’s requests and letters demanding that he leave the army.
The Grand Duke nevertheless left in the direction of Ugra in early October, but did not reach the main forces. In the city of Kremenets, he waited for his brothers to reconcile with him. And at this time there were battles on the Ugra.
Why didn't the Polish king help?
Akhmat Khan's main ally, the Grand Duke of Lithuania and the Polish King Casimir IV, never came to the rescue. The question arises: why?
Some write that the king was concerned about the attack of the Crimean Khan Mepgli-Girey. Others point to internal strife in the land of Lithuania - a “conspiracy of princes.” “Russian elements”, dissatisfied with the king, sought support from Moscow and wanted reunification with the Russian principalities. There is also an opinion that the king himself did not want conflicts with Russia. The Crimean Khan was not afraid of him: the ambassador had been negotiating in Lithuania since mid-October.
And the freezing Khan Akhmat, having waited for frost, and not reinforcements, wrote to Ivan III: “And now if you go away from the shore, because I have people without clothes, and horses without blankets. And the heart of winter will pass for ninety days, and I will be on you again, and the water I have to drink is muddy.”
Proud but careless Akhmat returned to the steppe with booty, ravaging the lands former ally, and remained to spend the winter at the mouth of the Donets. There, the Siberian Khan Ivak, three months after the “Ugorshchina,” personally killed the enemy in his sleep. An ambassador was sent to Moscow to announce the death of the last ruler of the Great Horde. Historian Sergei Solovyov writes about it this way: “The last khan of the Golden Horde, formidable for Moscow, died from one of the descendants of Genghis Khan; he left behind sons who were also destined to die from Tatar weapons.”
Probably, descendants still remained: Anna Gorenko considered Akhmat her ancestor in maternal line and, having become a poetess, took the pseudonym Akhmatova.
Disputes about place and time
Historians argue about where Stoyanie was on the Ugra. They also name the area near the Opakov settlement, the village of Gorodets, and the confluence of the Ugra and Oka. “A land road from Vyazma stretched to the mouth of the Ugra along its right, “Lithuanian” bank, along which Lithuanian help was expected and which the Horde could use for maneuvers. Even in the middle of the 19th century. Russian General base recommended this road for the movement of troops from Vyazma to Kaluga,” writes historian Vadim Kargalov.
Not known and exact date the arrival of Akhamat to the Ugra. Books and chronicles agree on one thing: this happened no earlier than the beginning of October. The Vladimir Chronicle, for example, is accurate down to the hour: “I came to Ugra in October on the 8th day of the week, at 1 o’clock in the afternoon.” In the Vologda-Perm Chronicle it is written: “the king went away from the Ugra on Thursday, the eve of Michaelmas” (November 7).
"("Ugorshchina", 1480) - military actions of the Russian army under the command of Grand Duke Ivan III in the lower reaches of the Ugra River (the left tributary of the Oka) against the army of the Great Horde, commanded by Khan Akhmat.
They put an end to the dependence of the Russian principalities on the Mongol-Tatars, the so-called “Horde yoke,” which began in the 13th century and lasted almost 250 years.
Having ascended the throne of the Moscow principality in 1462, Ivan III, the eldest son of Vasily II the Dark, continued the policies of his father, primarily in matters of uniting the lands of Rus' around Moscow and the fight against the Horde.
The throne of the Golden Horde kingdom and the title of Great Khan was in the hands of Akhmat, Khan of the Great Horde. His power extended over vast territories between the Volga and Dnieper.
In 1476, Prince Ivan III stopped paying the Horde the annual monetary “exit” that had been collected from Russian lands since the time of Batu. Khan Akhmat, busy fighting the Crimea, only began active actions against Rus' in 1480. He managed to negotiate with the Polish-Lithuanian king Casimir IV on military assistance.
The right moment was chosen for the campaign, when Ivan III was in a dense ring of enemies. In the north, in the Pskov region, troops of the Livonian Order captured vast areas of the country. King Casimir IV threatened war from the west. In January 1480, his brothers Boris (Prince Uglichsky) and Andrei Bolshoi (Prince Volotsky) rebelled against Ivan III, dissatisfied with the strengthening of the power of the Grand Duke. Taking advantage of the current situation, Khan Akhmat sent troops to reconnoiter the right bank of the Oka River in June 1480, and set out with the main forces in the fall.
Ivan III, in turn, entered into an alliance with Akhmat’s rival, the Crimean Khan Mengli-Girey, and agreed with him on a joint action against the Polish-Lithuanian king Casimir IV.
By the beginning of Akhmat’s invasion, a deeply echeloned system of defensive structures existed on the southern borders of the Moscow state - the Zasechnaya Line, consisting of fortified cities, numerous abatis and earthen ramparts. When creating it, all possible protective geographical properties of the area were used: ravines, swamps, lakes and especially rivers. The main line of defense of the southern borders stretched along the Oka. This part of the Zasechnaya Line was called the “Oka Coastal Discharge”. The service for his protection was introduced by Ivan III into compulsory service. Peasants not only from nearby but also distant villages were sent here in turn to protect the borders of the principality.
Having received news of the Horde campaign in late May 1480, Ivan III sent a governor with armed detachments to the Oka region to help the troops performing constant service on the southern outskirts. The son of Ivan III, Ivan the Young, was dressed up as Serpukhov. The brother of the Moscow prince, Andrei Menshoi, went to Tarusa to prepare the city for defense and organize resistance to the Tatars.
The rather slow advance of Akhmat's main forces allowed the Russian command to determine the possible direction of his main attack. A grand ducal regiment was sent to the place of a possible meeting with the enemy. The timely deployment of the main forces of the Russian troops on the defensive lines did not allow Akhmat to force the Oka River in its central section, which would have allowed the Horde to be on the shortest route to Moscow. The Khan turned his army towards the Lithuanian possessions, where he could unite with Casimir’s regiments, and also, without much difficulty, break into the territory of the Moscow Principality from the Lithuanian lands.
Akhmat's maneuver along the Oka line was promptly detected by Russian outposts. In this regard, the main forces from Serpukhov and Tarusa were transferred to the west, to Kaluga and directly to the banks of the Ugra River. Regiments were also sent there to reinforce the grand ducal troops from various Russian cities.
In view of the looming danger, Ivan III managed to come to an agreement with his rebellious brothers and they promised to help. On October 3, 1480, the Grand Duke set off from Moscow to the regiments guarding the left bank of the Ugra, and stopped in the city of Kremenets, located in close proximity to the possible theater of military operations. The main group of the prince's troops was concentrated in the Kaluga region, covering the mouth of the Ugra. In addition, Russian regiments were positioned along the entire lower reaches of the river. In places convenient for crossing, fortifications were erected, which were guarded by permanent outposts, which included infantrymen and a “fiery squad” consisting of archers and artillery servants. Small mounted detachments patrolled the coast between the outposts and maintained close communication between them. Their task also included capturing enemy scouts.
The tactics imposed on the Horde deprived them of the opportunity to take advantage of their light cavalry in flanking or outflanking maneuvers. They were forced to act only in a frontal attack on the Russian abatis, which met them with fire from guns (arquebuses and mattresses).
Khan Akhmat walked with all his forces along the right bank of the Oka River through the cities of Mtsensk, Lyubutsk and Odoev to Vorotynsk, located near Kaluga near the confluence of the Ugra and the Oka. Here Akhmat was going to wait for help from Casimir IV. But at this time the Crimean Khan Mengli-Girey, at the insistence of Ivan III started fighting in Podolia, thereby partially drawing back the troops and the attention of the Polish-Lithuanian king. Busy with the fight against Crimea and eliminating internal troubles, he was unable to assist the Horde.
Without waiting for help from Casimir IV, Akhmat decided to cross the river himself in the Kaluga region. Horde troops reached the crossings on the Ugra on October 6-8, 1480 and launched military operations in several places at once.
The opponents came face to face, separated only by the smooth surface of the Ugra river (in the widest places up to 120-140 meters). On the left bank, near the crossings and fords, Russian archers lined up, and there were also firearms with gunners and squeakers. The noble cavalry regiments were ready to strike at the Horde if they managed to cross somewhere.
The battle for the crossings began at one o'clock in the afternoon on October 8 and lasted along the entire line of defense for almost four days. After several unsuccessful attempts to cross the Ugra and capture the Russian position, the troops of Khan Akhmat retreated, but retained their combat effectiveness and readiness to resume the battle.
On October 20, the regiments of Boris and Andrei Bolshoi arrived in Kremenets. On October 26, the Ugra River froze, which significantly changed the situation for warring parties not in favor of the Russians. Therefore, Ivan III decided to transfer the main Russian forces from the left bank of the Ugra River to the northeast to the area of the city of Borovsk, the area under which was convenient for a decisive battle in the event that Akhmat nevertheless decided to cross the Ugra. However, having learned about the arrival of the troops of Ivan III's brothers and not receiving news from Casimir, the khan did not dare to do so. Short of provisions and suffering from severe frosts, the troops of Khan Akhmat began to retreat from Russian borders on November 11.
On December 28, 1480, Grand Duke Ivan III returned to Moscow, where he was solemnly greeted by the townspeople. The war for the liberation of Rus' from the Horde yoke was over.
The remnants of Akhmat's army fled to the steppes. Rivals immediately opposed the defeated khan. On January 6, 1481 he was killed. Civil strife began in the Great Horde.
Victory on the Ugra meant the end of the yoke and the restoration of full national sovereignty of the Russian land. This is the largest event of the 15th century, and November 12, 1480 - the first day of a completely independent Russian state - is one of the most important dates in the history of the Fatherland.
In 1980, in the Kaluga region, on the 176th kilometer of the Moscow-Kyiv highway, near the bridge across the river, a monument to the Great Stand on the Ugra River was unveiled.
In September 2014, not far from Kaluga, in the Vladimir monastery of the Kaluga St. Tikhon Hermitage (the village of Dvortsy), a museum-diorama “The Great Stand on the Ugra River” was opened. It is located on the territory that in 1480 was occupied by troops participating in the Great Stand on the Ugra.
The material was prepared based on information from open sources
After the resounding victory on the Kulikovo Field, the Russian principalities remained under Horde dependence for another century, and only the events of the autumn of 1480 decisively changed the situation. Two armies converged on the Ugra River. When the battle was over, Russia (precisely Russia, no longer Rus' - the new name of our state is found in sources from the 15th century) was finally freed from what we used to call the Mongol-Tatar yoke.
The fateful events of 1480 were assessed by both contemporaries and learned descendants. Ancient chroniclers called them a bright, bloodless victory, emphasizing the good way of achieving it - the defeat of Akhmat was therefore “bright” because it was achieved without blood, and most importantly, it led to the end of the “dark” and protracted dependence on the Horde rulers. And already in modern times, historians who were impressed by the story of a long confrontation between two armies, separated by a narrow frozen river, came up with the formula “Standing on the Ugra”.
Gone into the twilight of centuries were the knots of dangerous contradictions hidden behind this catchy phrase, the tension associated with mobilization, and the military operations themselves, the participants in the months-long drama, their characters and positions. Two dates, 1380 and 1480, symbolizing the beginning and completion of the last stage in the struggle for Russian freedom from foreign power, turned out to be tightly linked in historical memory. And even in this “pair”, the 1380th always comes to the forefront: the “loud-boiling” battle on Nepryadva overshadows the less noisy campaign of 1480. Behind the Battle of Kulikovo, in addition to chronicle texts, there is a whole trail of works (mostly mythologized): the lives of saints, and in particular Sergius of Radonezh, “Zadonshchina”, and above all “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamayev”, which lived a long and complex life in the handwritten literature of the 16th-18th centuries centuries. But about standing on the Ugra there is not a single special non-chronicle text. Only a small chapter of “Kazan History” drew the attention of readers of the late 16th and subsequent centuries to the invasion of Akhmat. So the events of 1480 clearly require a detailed story.
Secret agreement
The official chronicler at the Moscow court later likened Akhmat's campaign to Rus' to Batu's invasion. In his opinion, the goals coincided: the khan was going to “destroy the churches and capture all Orthodoxy and the Grand Duke himself, as was the case under Batu.” This comparison, of course, is exaggerated. The Horde rulers had long been accustomed to the regular collection of tribute, and the one-time devastation of Rus' simply could not become a serious goal for them. And yet, in the deep sense of the scale of the threat, the chronicler is right. The campaign being prepared was part of a series of long campaigns of conquest that were detrimental to the country, and not the semi-robber short-lived raids that were common in the 15th century. And it seemed even more dangerous because confrontation between two allied states was expected at once. Hardly any more in early spring 1480, Moscow knew about the details of the secret treaty concluded between the Great Horde and Lithuania, but did not doubt the fact of its existence. Advisors to Ivan III knew about the unusually long stay of the Polish-Lithuanian king Casimir in the Lithuanian part of the domain - from the autumn of 1479 to the summer of 1480 (his functions in governing the principality did not seem to require such a long delay there). News was also received about the sending of Casimir's ambassador to the Great Horde and, most likely, about the royal intention to hire several thousand horsemen in Poland. Finally, in Moscow they knew for sure about the king’s relationship with the rebellious appanage princes - Ivan’s brothers, who were offended by his oppression and “injustice” in the distribution of the conquered Novgorod lands.
The military potential of Akhmat himself was no secret. There are no exact statistical data about him in the sources, but a simple listing of the princes of Genghis Khan’s blood who went on a campaign with the khan is impressive - about a dozen. According to eastern chronicles, the forces of the Great Horde reached 100 thousand soldiers, and in the mid-1470s, the Khan's ambassadors in Venice promised on occasion to field an army of 200 thousand against the Ottoman Empire.
The essence and seriousness of the great-power claims of the Horde is clearly perceptible in his message to the Turkish Sultan (1476). In two words, he equates himself with the “most illustrious padishah,” calling him “his brother.” Three - defines one’s status: “the only one” of Genghis Khan’s children, that is, the holder of the exclusive right to lands and peoples once conquered by the great conqueror. Of course, Akhmat’s real request was more modest - he actually claimed only the heritage of the Golden Horde. But isn’t this also a very difficult task? And he began to implement it. In July 1476, his ambassador in Moscow demanded the arrival of Ivan III “to the Tsar in the Horde,” which meant Akhmat’s intention to return to the most rigid forms of political subordination of Rus': the ulusnik must personally beat the khan’s favor with his forehead, and he is free to favor (or not to favor) his label for a great reign. And of course, a return to paying a large tribute was implied. The Moscow prince ignored the requirement to go personally, sending an ambassador to the Horde, and the intentions of the Tatar ruler from now on became completely clear to him.
Later, in the same 1476, Akhmat captured Crimea and placed his nephew Janibek on the throne, and replaced the traditional dynasty, the Gireevs. In general, these two branches of the Chingizids mortally competed for hegemony over the countries into which the Golden Horde. And then - such a decisive blow. On top of everything else, Akhmat indirectly encroached on the authority of the Sultan, who had just won Genoese colonies in Crimea and took Gireev under his official patronage.
True, a year later the unlucky Janibek himself was expelled from Crimea, and the brothers Nur-Daulet and Mengli-Girey clashed in the struggle for the throne. But the defeat of Akhmatova’s protege became possible only because the khan was busy with other matters and in another place. In the late 1470s he led a coalition that decisively defeated the Uzbek Sheikh Haider. One of the consequences of this victory was the subordination of his other nephew, Kasym, to Akhmat, who at one time independently ruled in Astrakhan (Hadzhi-Tarkhan). So by 1480 the lower and middle reaches of the Volga were again united under one hand. His army grew noticeably in numbers and was favored by constant military success. In those days, such a bouquet of “assets” was worth a lot.
Russian artillery was first successfully used in field battles in October 1480. 16th century cannons
In addition, fate, as already mentioned, sent the khan a powerful ally: in 1479, his ambassador returned from Lithuania with Casimir’s personal representative and with a proposal for joint military action. They were supposed to open at the turn of spring and summer of 1480. And soon another joy happened, which a new friend hurried to convey to Akhmat somewhere in March-April: the brothers of Ivan III “emerged from the earth with all their might” and separated from the eldest in the family. In this situation, could Akhmat have doubts about an easy triumph? In addition, the “unfaithful ulusnik” Ivan finally became insolent: he stopped paying the tribute on time and in full.
The sources do not tell us anything about how “procedurally” and when exactly the Russian prince formalized the elimination of economic and state dependence on the Horde. It is possible that there were no special ceremonies. Akhmat's last ambassador visited Moscow in the summer of 1476 and in September went back with the Moscow ambassador. Most likely, Ivan III stopped paying the “exit” in 1478. And the plot itself, associated with the severance of vassal relations, gave rise to at least two famous historical myth. The first comes from the pen of Baron Sigismund Herberstein, the Holy Roman Empire's ambassador to Russia in the 1520s. He wrote - almost certainly from the words of Yuri Trakhaniot, treasurer of Vasily III and the son of a noble Greek, who came to Rus' with Sophia Paleologus, whom, in fact, this plot glorifies. Allegedly, the imperial niece almost daily reproached her husband for participating in humiliating ceremonies of meetings of Horde ambassadors and persuaded him to call in sick (meanwhile, it is impossible to imagine the imperious Ivan patiently listening to his wife’s reproaches, no matter how fair they may seem to him). Sophia’s second “feat” was the destruction of the house for the Horde ambassadors in the Kremlin. Here she allegedly showed cunning: in a letter “to the queen of the Tatars” she referred to a vision according to which she was supposed to build a church on this site, and asked to give her the courtyard, supporting her request with gifts. The princess, naturally, promised to provide the ambassadors with other premises. She received a place for a temple, erected a church, but did not keep her promise... All this, of course, is evidence of Herberstein’s ignorance of the routine of life in the grand ducal family, and even simple facts! Which queen did Sophia write to? How could all this happen without Ivan's knowledge? And with all this, is it worth forgetting that the representative of the Palaiologan dynasty was primarily occupied with her main task - almost annually giving birth to children for her husband?..
 Ivan III tears up the Khan's letter |
The second myth is younger (last quarter of the 16th century), more colorful and even more fantastic. Sophia is forgotten, Ivan III is in the foreground. The author of the Kazan History, in two small chapters, describes the exploits of the sovereign prince in the conquest of Novgorod, and then gives him credit for the Horde issue. Here are the Khan's ambassadors, who arrived with the mysterious “parsun bazma”, asking for tribute and quitrents “for last summer.” Ivan, “not a little afraid of the Tsarev’s fear,” takes “the bazma parsunu of his face” (who would know exactly what it is!), spits on it, then “breaks it,” throws it to the ground and tramples it with his feet. He orders the visitors to be executed - all but one. The pardoned person must tell his khan about what happened, and in the meantime the Grand Duke will begin to prepare for a decisive battle.
However, let us return to the objective situation in the country in 1479-1480. Let's try to understand whether Russian politicians consciously tried to oppose something to the growing threat. They not only tried, but also managed to do something. The choice was small and predictable: the hostile course of the Horde and Lithuania towards Moscow could not change radically. It is another matter that specific circumstances greatly modified it. The likelihood of Lithuanian aggression was moderated by the complex intertwining of interests of the king and his family, the “party” of the crown nobility hostile to Lithuania, and various groups of Lithuanian magnates. However, these difficulties favorable to Russia did not eliminate the need to remain vigilant. Ivan's government remained: a small victorious raid on Kazan in 1478 strengthened the ruling circles of the Kazan Khanate in their decision to remain loyal to Moscow. There was also an active search for their own potential allies. At the end of the 1470s, contacts were established with the Moldavian ruler Stephen the Great. A rapprochement on anti-Lithuanian grounds suggested itself, moreover, it was reinforced by the prospect of the marriage of the prince-heir Ivan Ivanovich the Young with Stefan’s daughter, Elena. However, by 1480 all these prospects remained only prospects. Things turned out more successfully with the Crimean Khanate. The first negotiations with Mengli-Girey took place back in 1474, and even then there was talk of a full-fledged union treaty, but the khan was still not ready to openly call Casimir his enemy (the inertia of almost forty years of close ties with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania affected). Then, as we already know, the Gireyevs were overthrown, but they managed to regain power, and in the fall of 1479 in Moscow, after a long diplomatic game, the brothers of the Crimean Khan, Nur-Daulet and Aidar, found themselves in Russia either in the status of honored guests, or in a position kind of hostages. Thus, a powerful lever of pressure on Bakhchisarai appeared in the hands of Ivan III’s diplomats. In April 1480, the Russian ambassador was already bringing to Crimea a clear text of the agreement with the named “enemies” - Akhmat and Casimir. That summer, Giray swore to honor the treaty, beginning a strategic coalition that would last 30 years and ultimately produce generous results for both sides. However, the Horde were already advancing on Rus', and it was not possible to use good relations with the Crimeans in confrontation with them. Moscow had to repel the military threat on its own.
Akhmatovo kingdom
There is no exact date of birth of the Great Horde or “Takht Eli” (“Throne Power”), the largest state formation formed during the collapse of the Golden Horde. IN chronicle vaults In the 15th century, this name was mentioned when describing the events of 1460, when the Khan of the Great Horde, Mahmud, stood “aimlessly” under the walls of Pereyaslavl-Ryazan, and in the Nikon Chronicle, the Great Horde was mentioned even earlier: in 1440, when describing another strife in the tribe of the Jochi clan. With a slight degree of convention, we can say that the “three daughters of the mother of the Golden Horde”: the Great Horde, the Crimean and Kazan Khanates - were born in the second half of the 1430s - mid-1440s. In 1437, Khan Kichi (Kuchuk)-Muhammad wins and ousts Khan Ulug-Muhammad from Desht-i-Kipchak. The latter, after a fleeting raid on Moscow in 1439, went east and by 1445 became the first Kazan Khan. Soon after 1437, Kichi-Muhammad removes Tokhtamysh's grandson, Khan Seyid-Akhmed, from Crimea, who went into nomadism southwest of the Lower Dnieper. But Kichi-Muhammad also failed to gain a foothold in Crimea - in 1443, with the help of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Hadji-Girey, who had previously tried to separate from the Horde, became the head of the Crimean Khanate. The Great Horde, whose khans exercised jurisdiction over the principalities of North-Eastern Rus', lasted just over 50 years. Only one of its rulers made campaigns in Central Asia, Crimea, against the Principality of Moscow, sent diplomats to Istanbul, Venice, Krakow, Vilna, Moscow. It's about about Akhmet (Akhmat of Russian chronicles). In 1465, he succeeded his elder brother Mahmud on the throne. In the 1470s, he managed to concentrate under his rule most of the tribes of the Great Steppe up to the Volga region (including some of the Nogais). Under him, the Great Horde occupied the maximum territory, and the borders briefly became stable. In the north, the Horde bordered on the Kazan Khanate, in the south it belonged to the plains North Caucasus, steppe expanses from the Volga to the Don and from the Don to the Dnieper (at times its lower right bank). The failure of the 1480 invasion turned out to be fatal for Akhmet: in the winter of 1481 he was killed during a surprise attack on his headquarters by the Siberian Khan Ibak and the Nogai Murzas, and his property and booty went to the winners. After this, the Great Horde could no longer revive its former power. In 1502, the Crimean Khan Mengli-Girey inflicted a severe defeat on Shikh-Ahmed, its last ruler.
"Invasion of Aliens"
The official chronicler attributed the beginning of Akhmatova’s campaign to the spring of 1480, and according to indirect indications, April is calculated. However, for those distant times, the movement of individual military detachments along different routes is difficult to determine. The migration from the Volga region, for example, could have been complicated by the late opening of the Volga. Be that as it may, the Russian guards in the Wild Field worked well; they learned about the start of hostilities in Moscow on time, which was important in two respects: for the rapid mobilization of all resources and correct movement of their troops. The movement of Horde troops to the lower reaches of the Don meant that the first blows would fall on the fortresses in the middle reaches of the Oka - from Tarusa to Kolomna.
In general, the campaign of 1480 is usually reduced to the October events on the Ugra. But this is incorrect - what then to do with the strange listing of points of movement of the Horde army in most chronicles? Why did Lyubutsk, which does not fit into the route in any way, end up on the same level as Mtsensk, Odoev and Vorotynsk (these cities record movement from the southeast to the northwest)? Whose troops captured and devastated the Besputu volost on the Tula river of the same name? Finally, why did the Grand Duke order to “burn” the “town of Koshra” (Kashira, much east of the Ugra)? One has only to recognize some obvious facts, and the bewilderment disappears. Obviously, while waiting for an ally with troops, Akhmat did not stand idle: his advanced detachments probed Russian forces along the banks of the Oka, simultaneously engaging in robbery and capturing live prey. One of these raids was the capture of Besputa. The signal was received correctly in Moscow. The first governors immediately went to the Bereg (that is, to the fortified cities on the left bank of the Oka), a little later Prince Andrei Menshoi, the younger brother loyal to Ivan, came to Tarusa (his appanage city), and led the largest detachments led “with many governors” to Serpukhov Ivan Ivanovich Young. This happened on June 8th. Khan was in no hurry.
The slow progress of the Horde in those days is understandable. The first and initially main reason is the need to feed the horses on fresh grass after a harsh winter. The next thing is the need to “probe” the strength and dislocation of the Muscovites, to find them weak spots. And finally, the already impatient expectation of Casimir with the army, gradually coming to the fore. The Russian commanders, of course, also needed fresh information about the enemy’s maneuvers - this forced Ivan to make a decision: to go with the main forces to Kolomna in July, “diagonally” from the Horde movement, so that for the time being a stable distant confrontation would be established between the main armies, punctuated only by skirmishes between forward detachments.
There was another new circumstance that required considerable organizational efforts: for the first time in history, the Russians went to war with field artillery. Therefore, special groups of people responsible for transporting heavy cannons and arquebuses took part in the campaign. This means that the criteria for choosing a battle site when defending a water line also changed - now it was necessary to take into account the capabilities of artillery.
Over time, tension in the opponents' stakes increased, and, apparently, in mid-September the khan decided to move to the left bank of the upper Oka. By this he wanted to achieve two goals: by getting close to the then Lithuanian territory, to quickly and finally clarify the issue of allied help and, most importantly, to find with the help local residents a road for a covert bypass of Moscow troops. It was then that the Horde appeared near Lyubutsk, once again testing the defenses of the Russian army. Probably, by that time Akhmat had already guessed the answer to one of his questions: the Lithuanians would not show up.
The Russian command quickly learned about the movement of the Horde to the north and assessed the risk of their breakthrough through the Ugra. Somewhere in the mid-twenties of September, Ivan ordered the transfer of almost all available forces led by Ivan the Young, Prince Dmitry Kholmsky (an outstanding commander of that time) and Andrei the Lesser to the left bank of the small river, and on September 30 he himself appeared in Moscow.
According to chronicles, Ivan III arrived in Moscow for a council with his mother, hierarchs and boyars remaining in the capital on September 30. Ambassadors from the brothers were also waiting for him. Yesterday's rebels, who were unable to come to an agreement with the Pskovites on the defense of Pskov from the Livonian Order, in a situation of a formidable invasion, considered it a good idea to join the eldest in the family in exchange for land additions. The end of the conflict was quickly resolved, and the closest relatives of the sovereign hurried to the Ugra with their troops.
Things were much more difficult with ordinary townspeople. These perceived the sudden arrival of Ivan III as a manifestation of fear of the Horde, and measures to prepare the city for the siege as a sign of Akhmat’s imminent approach. Reproaches and accusations flew at the Grand Duke from the assembled crowd of Muscovites, and Archbishop Vassian, having publicly accused his spiritual son of cowardly flight, offered to save the situation by leading the army himself. Passions became so intense that Ivan chose to leave for Krasnoye Selo.
Such a reaction was provoked by the position of a number of people close to Ivan III, who believed that military happiness was changeable and proposed “not to fight with the sovereign” (Akhmat), but to find forms of dependence that were not too burdensome for Rus' in negotiations. But this approach ran counter to the patriotic upsurge in Moscow, clearly expressed in the words of Vassian. Eventually general advice Of all the authoritative clergy and secular persons present in the city, he recommended that the prince continue the confrontation by strengthening the army on the Ugra with reinforcements and, most importantly, with his personal presence. And now the Grand Duke with new troops is heading towards Kremensk. The final phase of the confrontation was approaching. On October 3, the main Russian forces completed their redeployment and took up positions along 50-60 kilometers along the left bank of the Ugra. They had another 3-4 days to prepare for the battle. The Ugra is noticeably narrower than the Oka, its current is fast, and in a number of places the channel is squeezed by steep slopes. It was more difficult for the Horde to deploy numerous cavalry here, but if several detachments went to the water’s edge at the same time, the crossing of the water line itself should not have delayed the troops for long. However, theoretical calculations ceased to be relevant on October 8, when the Horde launched a general offensive in order to force a decisive battle on the Russians by crossing the river. The descriptions of this maneuver in the chronicles are unusually sparse, which is understandable: in the October days of 1480 there were no historiographers on the Ugra, so the records were kept from the words of the participants in that battle - many years later.
However, it is noted, firstly, the accuracy of firing from cannons and bows by the Russians and... the complete failure of the vaunted Horde archers. Most likely, the artillery also had a great psychological effect. The second sign of the battle is its extraordinary duration: its first phase alone lasted four days, and in several areas at the same time. The third feature is, as it turned out, a successful disposition of the Russians, who had time to think it over. Akhmat failed to push the Muscovites away from the river, break through their front, and put them to flight, and after October 11 he was forced to stop the offensive. After some time, however, a final attempt was made to break through to the left bank of the river near Opakov, but this skirmish also ended unsuccessfully for the Horde. On these same days, Ivan III came to Kremensk, sending reinforcements to the Ugra. From now on, the feeling of an imminent victory steadily grew stronger among one of the warring sides (in the mid-twenties, Ivan’s brothers also arrived in Kremensk with troops). The other side lost heart and suffered from an unusually long period of military operations on foreign soil in the conditions of the coming winter.
Against this background, negotiations began. It is still not entirely clear who took the initiative - most likely, it was the Prince of Moscow, which immediately caused a new attack of suspicion and new controversy in Moscow itself. Here, on the border of the Moscow principality and Lithuania (the Ugra served as the border line between them for a long time), the situation looked different. At first, the khan, as usual, demanded the maximum: the personal visit of the Grand Duke and, of course, a large tribute. There was a refusal. Then Akhmat wished that at least the son and co-ruler of Ivan III, Ivan the Young, would come, but this “wish” was not fulfilled. Akhmat, in turn, tried to “threaten” with the coming winter, when “the rivers will all stop, and there will be many roads to Rus'.” And it’s true: on October 26, the river began to become covered with ice, and Russian troops, by order of the Grand Duke, retreated to Borovsk in an organized manner. This seemed more expedient: in the opinion of the sovereign prince and governor, it was in those fields that it was more profitable to give general battle in cold conditions. In the capital, rumors of flight again began to spread. Apparently, it was then that a popular idea arose, which was later reflected in the chronicles, of two armies fleeing from each other and not being persecuted by anyone. It is unlikely that Akhmat’s troops also “fled”: they left the Ugra on November 11 “for the queen’s power, having fought his land for treason, and his cities and churchyards, and led countless people into captivity, and cut others to pieces.” Without waiting for Casimir's help, Akhmat plundered the territories in the upper reaches of the Oka (Odoev, Belev, Mtsensk). If they didn’t get to Ivan, at least they took revenge on their treacherous ally... This is how the “stand on the Ugra” ended, which for the most part did not take place on the Ugra at all, and most importantly, hardly belonged to the category of “stands”.
Rus' from Nepryadva to Ugra
The victory of Dmitry Donskoy over the ruler of the right wing of the Golden Horde, Mamai, on the Kulikovo Field in 1380 did not draw a line under the century and a half of dependence of North-Eastern Rus' on the Horde. It is unlikely that the prince himself set such a goal - he fought, “not sparing his belly,” with the “illegal ruler” who threatened his country with “ultimate ruin.” The historical meaning of the victory was reflected in something else: after Nepryadva, it became clear that the center of the struggle for independence from the Horde after 1380 could only be Moscow. In the meantime, after the devastating campaign of the “legitimate king,” Khan Tokhtamysh, in 1382, when many cities of the Moscow principality, including the capital, were destroyed, payments to the Horde increased and half-forgotten forms of dependence were revived. At the same time, Tokhtamysh himself transferred the territory of the Vladimir Great Reign (non-inheritable table) to the “patrimony” of the Grand Duke of Moscow, which meant the refusal of the Sarai rulers from the traditional practice of the 13th-14th centuries of pitting the Rurikids against each other in the fight for the table in Vladimir. Timur dealt crushing blows to Tokhtamysh in 1391 and 1395, when the latter’s troops “ironed” the most developed areas of the Horde for several months. It seemed that thanks to them, Rus' would quickly free itself from the power of the “Golden Horde kings.” It seemed that the Horde would no longer economically recover from the pogrom committed; the strife of the descendants of Khan Jochi would complete the work begun by Timur... But the nomadic states surprisingly quickly regenerated their military potential (and it was great), while at the same time the presence of rival Horde groups only increased the danger of new campaigns to Rus'. In the 1430s-1450s, tribute was sometimes paid to two khans, and sometimes to objective reasons(lack of “legalized” subordination to one or another khan) it was not paid. Thus, the understanding of its optionality gradually developed. For more than a quarter of a century, two lines of the Moscow Rurik dynasty were engaged in a mortal struggle for main table(1425-1453), all the Moscow princes, almost all the principalities and states of North-Eastern Rus', and the Horde rulers joined it. The victory of Grand Duke Vasily II Vasilyevich the Dark, who emerged from the strife blinded, led to consolidation throughout the country. It is also important that the princes learned to see in the khans not only the source of their power and the personification of dependence, but also rival rulers in the international sphere and on the battlefield. The rich experience of military confrontation with the Horde raised two generations of Russian soldiers, who became “customary” to resist the Horde troops. Fighting with them in the border zones (1437, winter 1444-1445), repelling attacks on the left bank of the middle Oka (1450, 1455, 1459) or “besieging” in Moscow (1439, 1451). There were defeats, and painful ones at that: in July 1445, Vasily II was captured. But they already believed in the possibility of military victory over the Horde. Ivan III Vasilyevich was the last Grand Duke to receive permission to reign in the Horde, and the first to overthrow the power of the khan. And society turned out to be ready for a decisive battle; it was no longer the temporary rulers who were “illegal”, they were the Genghisid khans themselves. Their power over the Orthodox sovereign henceforth became illegal and intolerable. Thus stretched the thread of one destiny, one great task - from Nepryadva to Ugra.
Sweet taste of victory
Having dismissed the main forces in Borovsk to their homes, at the end of November 1480 the Grand Duke with his son, brothers, governors and court returned to the capital. Prayer services and ceremonies followed, however, not particularly pompous - the Nativity Fast began. Many were aware of the significance of what had happened: even warnings were heard to the “kind and courageous” against the “foolish madness”, after all, they “boasted” that it was they who “with their weapons delivered the Russian land” - a humble Christian was not supposed to think so. This means that the sense of self-esteem and pride in participating in the great victory rose so high. The feasts died down, and the brothers of the sovereign prince, Andrei Bolshoi and Boris, received the promised additions. Ivan III had special joys: in the spring the news came that Akhmat had been killed, and in October 1481 his wife gave him a third son, Dmitry. But there were also consequences that reverberated several years later, and sometimes decades later.
What remained behind the victors of 1480? Almost 250 years of addiction - sometimes severe, sometimes more moderate. In any case, the Horde invasions and huge dues influenced the development of the medieval city in North-Eastern Rus', changing the vector of socio-political evolution of society, because the country of the 14th-16th centuries clearly lacked citizens as an economic and political force. Agriculture also suffered, having been shifted for a long time to lands with infertile soils protected by forests and rivers, and the formation of seigneurial estates was slowed down. Only from the middle - second half of the 14th century did the service boyars revive: in the 13th - early 14th centuries, this elite stratum was reduced many times due to deaths on the battlefield or extremely harsh living conditions. The dominance of the Horde not only slowed down, but set back the progressive development of the country. After 1480 the situation changed dramatically. Of course, relations with Rome, Venice, and the Teutonic Order began back in the 1460s and 1470s, but now Russia is entering into a close diplomatic dialogue with almost two dozen states - old and new partners, and among them many were ready to “be friends against” the Jagiellons (primarily Casimir) and, moreover, recognize the “legitimacy” of Moscow’s claims to Kiev and the lands of “Orthodox Russians” in Lithuania, and also accept the titles of the Moscow sovereign. And these titles, used by Moscow diplomats, recorded the equality of Ivan III in status with the leading monarchs of Europe, including the emperor, which meant recognition of Russian sovereignty in the international forms that were then customary.
There were also practical consequences: two Russian-Lithuanian wars at the end of the 15th and beginning of the 16th centuries reduced the territory of Lithuania by more than a quarter and expanded the borders of Russia. brought no less significant results eastern policy- from 1487, for almost 20 years, the Moscow sovereign “placed khans from his own hand” on the throne in Kazan. Vyatka finally submitted, and at the end of the century the first “Moscow” campaign beyond the Urals took place. As if by chance, in 1485 the Grand Duchy of Tver became part of the state (its prince fled to Lithuania). Pskov and the Ryazan principality were under complete political and military control of Moscow. The last third of the 15th century was the time of economic growth of the country, the era of the formation of a sovereign Russian state: in February 1498, by the decision of Ivan III, Dmitry the grandson, the son of Grand Duke Ivan the Young, who died in 1490, was crowned as his co-ruler and heir to the “great reigns” (Moscow, Vladimir and Novgorod). Since then, supreme power has been inherited and the only source of its legitimacy has been the ruling monarch. The origins of Russia as a state moving from the Middle Ages into the early modern era lie in a country that found itself after the events of 1480.
Defense of Moscow from Tokhtamysh's troops. In August 1382, the Horde took and plundered the city, killing 24 thousand people
You can also rejoice in the direct fruits of victory. In 1382, after the Battle of Kulikovo, Moscow was ravaged and burned, hundreds of books were burned in the Kremlin churches, and the dead Muscovites were buried in common “skudelitsa”. In 1485, a fundamental restructuring of the entire Kremlin began. In just over twenty years, the former white-stone medieval castle turned into the residence of the monarch of a powerful state with powerful fortifications, a full range of palace stone buildings, central institutions, cathedrals and court cathedrals. This grandiose construction project, which required large expenses, was carried out largely thanks to the victory on the Ugra, after which Russia was finally freed from paying tribute. And if we add the powerful rise of the arts and culture in general, which occurred at the end of the 15th century, the conclusion is clear: the historical consequences of the victory on the Ugra are broader, more diverse and more fundamental than the victory on Nepryadva.
Vladislav Nazarov
The stand on the Ugra led to the liberation of Rus' from Mongol yoke. The country not only freed itself from heavy tribute, but also a new player appeared on the European arena - the Muscovite kingdom. Rus' became free in its actions.
In the second half of the 15th century, the position of the Golden Horde was significantly weakened by internecine strife. The state treasury, which was replenished only by Moscow tribute and raids on neighboring states, was practically empty. The weakness of the Horde is evidenced by the raid of the Vyatka ushkuiniks on the capital - Sarai, which was completely plundered and burned. In response to the daring raid, Khan Akhmat began preparing a military campaign to punish the Russians. And at the same time replenish the empty treasury. The result of this campaign was the Great Stand on the Ugra River in 1480.
In 1471, at the head of a huge army, Akhmat invaded Rus'. But all crossings across the Oka River were blocked by Moscow troops. Then the Mongols besieged the border town of Aleksin. The assault on the city was repulsed by its defenders. Then the Tatars invested wooden walls brushwood and straw, and then set them on fire. Russian troops stationed on the other side of the river never came to the aid of the burning city. After the fire, the Mongols immediately went to the steppes. In response to Akhmat’s campaign, Moscow refused to pay tribute to the Horde.
Ivan III led an active foreign policy. A military alliance was concluded with the Crimean with whom the Horde waged a protracted struggle. Internecine wars within the Golden Horde allowed Rus' to prepare for a general battle.
Akhmat chose the moment for his campaign against Rus' very well. At this time, Ivan III fought with his brothers Boris Volotsky and Andrei Bolshoi, who were against increasing the power of the Moscow prince. Part of the forces was diverted to the Pskov land, where the fight against the Livonian Order was waged. The Golden Horde also entered into a military alliance with the Polish king Casimir IV.
In the fall of 1480, he entered Russian soil with a large army. In response to the Tatar invasion, Ivan III began to concentrate troops near the banks of the Oka River. At the end of September, the royal brothers stopped fighting with Moscow and, having received forgiveness, joined the army of the Prince of Moscow. The Mongol army moved through the Lithuanian vassal lands, intending to join forces with Casimir IV. But he was attacked and could not come to the rescue. The Tatars began to prepare for the crossing. The location was chosen on a 5-kilometer stretch at the confluence of Rosvyanka and Rosvyanka. The battle for the crossing began on October 8 and lasted four days. At this time, Russian troops used artillery for the first time. The Mongol attacks were repulsed, they were forced to retreat several miles from the river, and the Great Standing on the Ugra began.
The negotiations did not lead to any results. Neither side wanted to give in. Ivan III tried to play for time. The standoff continued, no one dared to take active hostilities. The Mongols, carried away by the campaign, left their capital without cover, and a large detachment of Russians was moving towards it. The frosts that began at the end of October forced the Tatars to experience a great shortage of food. Frosts also led to the formation of ice on the river. As a result, Ivan III decided to withdraw his troops a little further to Borovsk, where there was comfortable spot for battle.
Standing on the Ugra for an outside observer would seem like indecisiveness of the rulers. But the Russian Tsar simply did not need to transfer his troops across the river and shed the blood of his subjects. The actions of Khan Akhmat showed his lack of confidence in his own abilities. In addition, the backwardness of the Mongols in weapons was clearly demonstrated. Russian troops already had firearms and also used artillery to protect crossings.
The Great Stand on the Ugra led to the official liberation of Rus' from Mongol rule. Khan Akhmat was soon killed in his own tent by envoys of the Siberian Khan Ibak.